MASTER 
NEGATIVE 

NO .  92-80746-8 


MICROFILMED  1 992 
COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY  LIBRARIES/NEW  YORK 


*7 

as  part  of  the 
"Foundations  of  Western  Civilization  Preservation  Project" 


Funded  by  the 
WMENT  FOR  THE 


Reproductions  may  not  be  made  without  permission  from 

Columbia  University  Library 


COPYRIGHT  STATEMENT 

The  copyright  law  of  the  United  States  -  Title  17,  United 
States  Code  -  concerns  the  making  of  photocopies  or  other 
reproductions  of  copyrighted  material... 

Columbia  University  Library  reserves  the  right  to  refuse  to 
accept  a  copy  order  if,  in  its  judgement,  fulfillment  of  the  order 
would  involve  violation  of  the  copyright  law. 


AUTHOR: 


PICKARD,  JOHN 


TITLE: 


THE  RELATIVE 
POSITION  OF  ACTORS 
AND  CHORUS  .   .   . 


PLACE: 


BALTIMORE,  [MD.l 


DATE: 


1893 


COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY  LIBRARIES 
PRESERVATION  DEPARTMENT 

BIBLIOGRAPHIC  MICROFORM  TARGET 


Master  Negative  # 


Restrictions  on  Use: 


Original  Material  as  Filmed  -  Existing  Bibliographic  Record 


880.128 
P532 


Piokard,  John 

The  relative  position  of  actors  and  chorus  in 
the  Greek  theatre  of  the  fifth  century.   Balti- 
more, Friedenwald,  1893, 

73  p.   diagrs.   23^  cm. 

From  American  Journal  of  philology,  XIV  1, 
Pub.  in  German  as  thesis  (Ph.  D. )  Munich. 


B  liAu; 


'O 


J 


TECHNICAL  MICROFORM  DATA 


REDUCTION     RATIO: 


FILM     SIZE: 3_?_^_'!L 

IMAGE  PLACEMENT:    lA  01^    IB     IIB 

DATE     FILMED  :__J^J_^j_W INITIALS__i?:i!i^l 

HLMED  BY:    RESEARCH  PUBLICATIONS.  INC  WOODBRIDGR.  cf 


llx 


c 


Association  for  information  and  Image  IManagement 

1100  Wayne  Avenue.  Suite  1100 
Silver  Spring.  Maryland  20910 

301/587-8202 


Centimeter 

12        3        4 

lllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllnillllllll 


TTT 


I   I   I   I   I 


— 


6 

iliiiii 


7        8 

iiliiiiliiiiliii 


Inches 


1 


1.0 


I.I 


1.25 


9       10       11 

iiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliii 


I  I  I  I  I 


12       13       14       15   mm 

miLhi 


Ui    |2.3 

2.5 

US   » 



1^  l« 

2.2 

■  63 

t  ia4    "" 

■  60 

4  0 

2.0 

Ifii 

1&     u 

Biteu 

r 

1.8 

1.4 

1.6 

TTT 


"['|"|'|" '|"[";'| 


1 


y 


(9 


/ 


&: 


c^ 


MRNUFRCTURED   TO  flllM  STflNDRRDS 
BY  APPLIED   IMFIGEp    INC. 


THE  RELATIVE  POSITION 


OF 


ACTORS  AND  CHORU^  .N  THE  GREEK 


« f>"'" 


THEATRE  OF  THE  '--TLl  CENTURY 


[i 


BY 


JOHN  PICKARD,  Ph.D. 


BALTIMORE 
PRESS   OF   THE  FRIEDENWALD  COfttPANY 

/  1893 


« 


.-*" 


\'\ 


(■I 


•  :a 


COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY  LIBRARY 

This  book  is  Sue  on  th«»  t\pfp  indicPt^'  h^^*^  -^r  at  the 


\ 


v'-'.      •> 


i 


i 


L Reprinted  from  American  Journal  of  Philology,  XIV  i.] 


THE  RELATIVE  POSITION  OF  ACTORS  AND  CHORUS 
IN  THE  GREEK  THEATRE  OF  THE  V  CENTURY.^ 


(, 


Part  I. 

CONSIDERATION  OF  THE  EXTANT  THEATRES. 

The  Greek  Theatre. 

It  has  been  assumed,  and  by  many  writers  on  the  subject  it  is 
assumed  to-day,  that  the  great  Athenian  dramatists,  Vitruvius,  all 
the  grammarians,  lexicographers  and  scholiasts  had  before  their 
eyes  the  same  Greek  theatre,  which  remained  practically  unchanged 
from  the  time  of  Aischylos  to  the  days  when  Nero  and  Hadrian 
were  spectators  in  the  theatre  of  Dionysos.  The  'Vitruvian 
stage'  has  been  accepted  as  fke  Greek  stage  for  the  entire  period 
of  the  Greek  drama,  and  the  description  of  the  Greek  theatre  by 
the  same  authority  has  been  used  as  a  Procrustes  bed  to  which 
all  plans  of  theatre  ruins  must  in  some  way  be  made  to  conform. 

Within  the  last  decade,  however,  the  revolt  against  the  writers 
of  post-classic  times  as  authorities  on  the  theatre  of  the  V  century 
has  been  rapidly  spreading.  The  excavations  in  the  theatres  of 
Athens,  Epidauros,  Sikyon,  Oropos,  Megalopolis,  and  Eretria 
have  yielded  results  of  the  highest  importance.  With  the  knowl- 
edge gained  from  these  excavations,  with  the  carefully  drawn 
plans  of  these  theatres  before  us,  the  older  works  dealing  with 
the  construction  of  the  Greek  theatre,  and  plans  such  as  are  found 
in  Wieseler's  'Theatergebaude'  must  be  considered  as  antiquated. 
Therefore,  before  entering  upon  the  discussion  of  the  extant 
dramas,  we  will  consider  the  Greek  theatre  as  described  in  classic 

^The  substance  of  this  paper  has  already  appeared  under  the  title  'Der 
Standort  der  Schauspieler  und  des  Chors  im  griechischen  Theater  des  flinften 
Jahrhunderts.  (Inaugural-Dissertation.)  Mit  dem  Accessit  gekrSnte  Preis- 
schrift.  Munchen,  1892.'  Contrary  to  the  usage  of  the  Journal,  the  paper  is 
reproduced  here  as  a  necessary  introduction  to  the  new  matter  which  will  be 
embraced  in  the  subsequent  article. — B.  L.  G. 


% 


literature  and  as  it  actually  exists  in  the  more  recent  and  more 
important  excavations.* 

Theatre  of  Dionysos  at  Athens? 

Oldest  of  the  existing  ruins  are  the  remains  of  the  ancient 
orchestra,  KNO  (vid.   Fig.   i).      All   stage-buildings   of  which 
traces  still  exist  were  built  over  a  portion  of  this  circle.     A  glance 
at  the  plan  shows  that  the  present  cavea  has  no  connection  with 
it.     At  O  the  Acropolis  rock  was  cut  away  in  order  to  make  room 
for  this  circle ;  so  the  level  of  this  entire  orchestra  could  not  have 
been  lower  than  the  rock  at  O  is  to-day.     At  A'' and  A' are  still 
in  situ  portions  of  the  circular  supporting  wall,  whose  character 
can  best  be  studied  at  N.     It  is  built  of  roughly  shaped  pieces  of 
Acropolis  limestone,  which  is   the   oldest   building   material    in 
Athens,  and  was  not  used  later  than  the  V  century.     This  is 
plainly  a  supporting  wall ;  the  outside  was  intended  to  be  seen, 
but  the  inside  is  rough,  just  as  the  stone  was  broken  from  the 
quarry.     The  bottom  of  this  wall  at  A^  is  5  or  6  ft.  lower  than  O, 
Therefore  the  level  of  the  earth  within  the  orchestra  circle  at  KN 
was  originally  at  least  5  or  6  ft.  above  the  level  of  the  ground 
outside  the  circle  at  these  points.     This  fact  alone  is  fatal  to  the 
theory  of  Wilamowitz  (Hermes,  XXI,  S.  597  if.)  that  the  audience 
to  the  earlier  plays  of  Aeschylos  stood  or  sat  in  a  complete  circle 
about    this    orchestra.      Furthermore,   at   the    time    when    this 
orchestra  was  constructed  no  stage-building'  could  have  existed. 
For,  if  present,  its  front  must  have  been  nearly  tangent  to  the 
circle  on  the  south.     In  that  event  the  level  of  the  orchestra  must 
needs  have  been  continued  to  the  entire  front  of  the  stage-building, 
the  outer  surface  of  the  wall  A7V  would  not  have  been  carefully 
dressed,  and,  in  fact,  this  wall  would  not  have  been  necessary  at 
all.     It  has  also  been  urged  that  a  'stage'  10-12  ft.  high  was 

^ Some  of  the  more  important  discussions  are:  HOpken,  De  theatro  Attico 
saeculi  a.  Chr.  quinti.  A.  MuUer,  BuhnenalterthUmer,  and  Philol.  Anz.  XV 
525  ff.  Wilamowitz,  Hermes,  XXI,  S.  597  ff.  Haigh.  Attic  Theatre.  Dorpfeld: 
in  A.  Mailer's  BuhnenalterthUmer,  S  415  ff.;  on  Haigh,  Attic  Theatre,  in 
Philol.  Wochenschrift,  1890,  S.  461  ff.;  on  Hartzmann,  Quaestiones  Scaenicae, 
ibid.,  S.  1658  ff.;  on  Oehmichen,  Buhnenwesen,  ibid.,  S.  1532  ff.  Kawerau,  in 
Baumeister's  Denkmaler,  S.  1730  ff. 

'  The  facts  concerning  the  Athens  theatre  are  from  the  lectures  of  DOrpfeld 
in  the  theatre  itself  during  the  winter  of  1890-91. 

'As  a  matter  of  convenience,  'stage,'  'stage-buildings,'  etc.,  will  be  used, 
though  the  writer  is  convinced  that  no  stage  existed  in  the  V  century. 


South. 


V'TT!     '-'Ji 


W        5         « 
tiililiiiiL. 


^littcr„ 


Fig.  I. 


I 


necessary  in  order  to  give  room  underneath  for  the  disappearance 
of  an  actor,  as  in  the  Prometheus.  Since  there  was  a  difference 
of  6  ft.  between  the  level  of  the  orchestra  and  the  level  of  the 
earth  under  the  supposed  'stage,'  a  height  of  10-12  ft.  for  this 
would  cause  the  actor  to  drop  16-18  ft. !  Suidas  (v.  Uparipos  and 
AiV;^i^XoO  informs  us  that  the  wooden  seats  having  broken  down 
under  the  weight  of  the  spectators,  a  stone  6earpov  was  built  by 
the  Athenians  in  Ol.  70.  In  this  connection  may  be  mentioned 
some  walls  not  yet  published  on  any  plan  and  not  on  Fig.  i 
because  of  the  lack  of  accurate  measurements.  These  walls,  at 
XZy  are  not  parallel  with  FH,  and  from  their  direction  could 
hardly  have  had  anything  to  do  with  the  orchestra  belonging 
with  the  extant  cavea.  Whether  these  walls  belonged  with  the 
eiarpov  erected  after  the  Pratinas-Choirilos-Aischylos  breakdown 
can  perhaps  not  be  fully  decided.  They  at  least  take  us  back  a 
step  nearer  to  that  oldest  stone  cavea. 

The  walls  of  the  oldest  stage-buildings  are  represented  on  Fig.  i 
by  the  shaded  lines  AAA' A'  and  are  of  the  same  age  and  method 
of  construction  as  are  the  supporting  walls  of  the  cavea,  e.  g.  FL 
2,  3,  4.  Wherever  these  walls  were  not  exposed  to  view,  as  in 
the  inner  supporting  walls  of  the  cavea  at  2,  3,  4  and  in  the  lower 
foundations  of  the  stage-buildings,  they  are  constructed  of  blocks 
of  breccia  of  the  same  size,  shape  and  method  of  working  through- 
out. If  exposed  to  view,  as  in  the  outer  cavea  wall  LF  and  in 
the  upper  courses  oi  AA\  Peiraieus  limestone  was  used.  Where 
any  portion  of  the  superstructure  remains  the  Peiraieus  limestone 
is  covered  by  Hymettos  marble.  The  entire  similarity  of  con- 
struction proves  that  these  oldest  foundations  of  stage-buildings 
and  the  cavea  belong  to  the  same  period  of  building.  But  no ' 
ruin  is  known  in  Athens  constructed,  in  the  manner  just  described, 
of  breccia,  Peiraieus  limestone  and  Hymettos  marble  which  dates 
prior  to  the  IV  century  B.  C.  At  H,  on  a  stone  in  the  supporting 
wall  of  the  cavea,  are  found  Q  and  o,  the  former  of  the  shape  in 
use  after  the  time  of  Eukleides.  At  the  corner  F  is  to  be  seen 
the  inscription  published  in  CIA.  1  499.  The  stone  is  in  its 
original  position,  and  was  formerly  covered  by  two  courses  of 
stone,  which  were  between  it  and  the  corner  F,  The  inscription, 
then,  could  not  have  been  added  after  the  stone  was  placed  in  its 
present  location,  but  was  placed  there  when  the  stone  was  in  some 
previous  position.  It  is  variously  dated  from  the  middle  of  the 
V  century  (Julius)  to  408  B.  C.   (Kirchhoff).     The  stone  was 


- 


:i 


surely  not  removed  from  the  earlier  structure  and  built  into  this 
cavea  wall  immediately  after  this  inscription  was  added.  These 
two  inscriptions,  then,  render  the  construction  of  the  cavea  walls, 
and  hence  of  these  oldest  stage-buildings,  before  the  end  of  the 

V  century  impossible.  For  all  students  of  the  theatre  of  Dionysos 
agree  that  these  walls  represent  one  and  but  one  period  of  con- 
struction. Haigh  (Attic  Theatre,  p.  123)  contends  that  these 
inscriptions  date  the  construction  only  as  late  as  the  end  of  the 

V  century.  Dorpfeld  (Wochenschrift,  12.  Apr.  1890,  S.  423)  well 
replies:  "Dieser  Einwand  kann  kaum  ernstlich  gemeint  sein: 
denn  wer  die  Geschichte  Athens  kennt  wird  niemals  glauben,  dass 
die  Athener  am  Ende  des  fiinften  Jahrhunderts  ein  grosses 
steinernes  Theater  errichtet  haben."  The  extant  cavea  and  the 
oldest  stage-buildings  were  constructed,  then,  in  the  IV  century. 
In  this  century  we  know  of  one  and  but  one  great  period  of 
theatre-building ;  that  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  orator 
Lykourgos  (cf.  Miiller,  B.-A.,  S.  86).  Such  important  construc- 
tion could  hardly  have  been  completed  before  his  time  and  have 
passed  unnoted  by  classic  authors.  In  that  event,  too,  nothing 
would  have  remained  to  be  done  by  Lykourgos  of  sufficient 
importance  to  merit  the  attention  which  his  work  on  the  theatre 
has  received.  Hereafter,  therefore,  we  shall  refer  to  the  cavea 
and  the  foundations  AAA' A'  under  the  name  of  Lykourgos. 

The  stylobate  BB  is  later  than  the  time  of  Lykourgos.  When 
it  was  built  the  fronts  of  the  paraskenia  A  A  were  cut  back  so  that 
they  ended  beneath  this  stylobate.  The  original  foundations  of 
the  paraskenia  are  still  iti  situ.  The  upper  course  of  BB  is  of 
Hymettos  marble,  but  this  marble  rests  directly  on  a  rough, 
poorly  constructed  foundation  largely  made  up  of  breccia.  In 
IV-century  construction  in  Athens  this  never  occurs.  A  course 
of  Peiraieus  limestone  was  in  this  period  always  placed  between 
the  breccia  and  the  marble.  Upon  BB  stood  full  columns  whose 
diameter,  .50  m.,  can  still  be  measured.  These,  with  the  epistyle, 
would,  at  the  time  they  were  constructed,  be  about  12  ft.  high. 
So  this  proskenion  would  in  height  correspond  very  nearly  with 
the  one  in  Epidauros.  The  upper  surface  of  BB  is  exactly  on  a 
level  with  the  pavement  of  the  present  orchestra,  and  the  front  of 
the  slabs  which  compose  this  stylobate  is  worked  out  to  receive 
the  edges  of  slabs  of  a  similar  pavement.  Therefore  the  surface 
of  BB  was  on  a  level  with  the  orchestra  circle  existing  at  the  time 
of  its  construction.     In  Epidauros,  Oropos  and  Eretria  the  pros- 


8 


kenion  walls  were  constructed  of  half-columns,  the  spaces  between 
which,  as  is  proven  at  Eretria  and  Oropos,  were  filled  by  mvaK€s, 
In  the  centre  of  each  of  these  walls  was  a  door  leading  out  on  the 
level  of  the  orchestra.  At  Athens  were  full  columns,  and  in  the 
centre  were  three  doors,  only  a  single  column  separating  each  of 
the  side  doors  from  the  one  in  the  centre.  This  last,  exactly  in 
the  middle  of  the  stylobate,  was  the  widest  (1.60  m.).  The  other 
two  are  wider  than  the  usual  intercolumnar  interval.  The  mark- 
ings made  on  the  stylobate  by  door-posts  and  hinges  admit  of 
no  doubt  as  to  the  existence  of  the  doors,  and  these  could,  of 
course,  have  had  no  meaning  unless  the  intervals  between  the 
other  columns  had  been  closed  in  some  way. 

/^P  represents  what  still  remains  of  the  'stage  of  Phaidros,' 
the  erection  of  which  in  the  III  century  A.  D.  is  dated  by  the 
inscription  (CIA.  Ill  239).  Its  height  is  that  customary  in  the 
later  theatre,  and  a  glance  at  the  plan  shows  that  its  depth,  back  to 
the  foundations  of  the  stage-buildings,  was  also  quite  *  Roman.' 

The  reliefs  which  now  adorn  the  front  of  this  stage  have  been 
cut  down  to  fit  their  present  position.  Their  artistic  execution  is 
similar  to  that  of  the  torsos  of  some  large  satyrs  which  are  now 
found  scattered  among  the  ruins  of  the  theatre,  along  with  the 
fragments  of  the  massive  architrave  which  they  helped  to  support. 
On  this  architrave  can  still  be  read  (CIA.  Ill  158)  [AiovCa-a  'e\]cv- 

B^pul   Koi    \^(p<ovi    KXJauSio)    Kalaapi   2€[j3ao-Tt3   TepfxaviK^  /c.  r.  X.      The 

unchanneled  columns  which,  with  the  torsos,  supported  this  archi- 
trave are  much  too  large  ever  to  have  stood  on  BB.  But  imme- 
diately behind  the  Lykourgan  wall  aa  stands  a  much  later 
strengthening  wall  (not  given  on  the  plan).  The  wall  aa  thus 
strengthened  alone,  of  the  walls  found  in  the  ruins  of  the  stage- 
buildings,  could  have  borne  the  weight  of  the  Neronian  columns 
and  their  epistyle.  This  wall  was  therefore  the  front  of  Nero's 
stage-building.  The  stage  itself  extended  over  the  stylobate  BB, 
well  forward  towards  the  position  of  the  front  of  the  stage  of 
Phaidros.  For  under  Nero  the  wide  Roman  stage  would  be 
constructed. 

The  history  of  the  theatre  of  Dionysos  during  the  8ck)  years 
from  Aischylos  to  Phaidros,  so  far  as  it  can  now  be  read  in  the 
ruins  themselves,  is  briefly  as  follows : 

I.  Dating  to  the  V  century  or  earlier  is  the  ancient  orchestra 
ONK,  In  connection  with  this  orchestra  permanent  stage-buildings 
never  existed. 


t 


> 


2.  Such  buildings  were  first  completed  in  connection  with  a 
new  theatron  by  Lykouroos,  in  the  latter  half  of  the  IV  century. 
The  form  of  this  'scenae  frons,'  the  wall  aa  with  the  paraskenia 
A  A,  was  naturally  that  of  the  temporary  wooden  scenae  frons 
which  existed  before  this  time,  i.  e.  the  form  was  what  the 
requirements  of  the  plays  demanded.  This,  then,  is  the  best 
representation  we  possess  of  the  scenae  frons  before  which  the 
plays  of  the  great  dramatists  of  the  V  century  were  acted. 

3.  The  stone  proskenion  on  BB  was  added  at  some  period 
considerably  later  than  Lykourgos,  but  before  the  time  of  Nero. 
That  such  stone  'proskenia'  did  not  exist  in  the  V  and  IV 
centuries  is  a  strong  indication  that  the  plays  of  the  great 
dramatists  were  not  exhibited  before  one  fixed  form  of  a  back- 
ground, but  that  proscenia  were  erected  in  accordance  with  the 
requirements  of  the  various  plays. 

4.  The  *  Roman '  stage  was  built  under  Nero. 

5.  This  was  altered  in  the  time  of  Phaidros,  about  290  A.  D. 

T/ie  Thyntele, 

It  becomes  necessary  to  examine  the  evidence  to  see  if  the 
structure  which  we  have  thus  far  called  the  *  proskenion '  was  ever 
used  as  a 'stage.'  Since  the  extant  plays  emphatically  demand 
that  there  shall  be  no  impediment  to  the  free  intermingling  of 
actors  and  chorus,  and  since,  if  the  actors  were  on  a  stage  12  ft. 
high  while  the  chorus  were  on  the  orchestra-level,  such  free 
communication  would  be  impossible,  Hermann,  Wieseler,  Miiller 
and  many  others  have  assumed  that  a  supplementary  stage  was 
erected  for  the  chorus,  to  which  the  name  6vpLikr\  has  been  assigned. 
A.  Miiller  (B.-A.,  S.  129  fi.)  is  the  latest  who  has  undertaken  to 
prove  the  existence  of  such  a  platform.     He  first  cites  (S.  129, 

An.   l)  Pollux,  IV  123:    Kai   (TKr]vr]  flip  viroKpiTav  idiov,  r}  di  opxrja-rpa  rov 
Xopov,  €v  Tj   Koi  rj  dvniXrjy  fire  ^rjfid  ri   ouo-a   €it€  ^cofios.      But   here   it   is 

simply  said  that  the  thymele  was  in  the  orchestra  and  was  a  kind  of 
platform  for  a  speaker  (/S^/mo),  or  an  altar  (iSo/zoy).  Neither  of  these 
statements  indicates  that  it  was  a  large  platform,  or  that  the  chorus 
ever  took  position  on  it.  The  epigram  of  Simmias  Thebanus 
(Miiller,  S.  129) — 

TOP  ae  xopois  fitX-^apra  2o<f)OK\€a  Traida  2o(f)i\oVj 

TOP  TpayiKTJs  Movcrrjs  da-repa  KeKponiop 
TToXXtiKip  €P  $vfie\r)cri  /cat  eV  aKT]PTJ(ri  TfdrjXoiS 

/SXattro?  K.  T.  X. 


I 


'    4 


(fi 


lO 

only  testifies  that  the  thymele  and  the  skene  were  two  important 
portions  of  the  theatre.     The  inscription  referring  to  the  actress 

Basilla    (CIG.    6750),    ivl    a-Krjvalai    XajBovaap    navTolrjs    dp€TTJs  .  .  .  ctra 

xopolai  noWoKii  €v  dvfi^Xais,  shows  in  addition  that  the  chorus  was 
particularly  associated  with  the  thymele,  as  would  naturally  be 
the  case,  since  this  was  the  altar  in  the  orchestra  (Pollux,  IV  123). 

The  remark   of  Hesych.  v.  y\vK€p<^  ^idiovlco.      dpapa  Bi  eorti/  ev  w  t^s 

evfX€\T)s^  apx^rai  ovrm,  adds  nothing.  Here  seems  to  be  said  only 
that  the  play  opens  with  a  choral  ode.  Isidor  Origg.  XVIII  47 
"thymelici  erant  musici  scaenici,  qui  in  organis  et  lyris  et  citharis 
praecinebant,  et  dicti  thymehci,  quod  olim  in  orchestra  stantes 
cantabant  super  pulpitum,  quod  thymele  vocabatur"  is  valuable 
as  proving  that  the  musicians  had  their  place  on  some  portion  of 
this  altar.  The  scholion  to  Aristides,  III,  p.  536,  Dind.  ot€  etViy'ci 
(V  rrj  6pxn<TTpa  fi  eari  ^u/uAi;,  Only  States  that  the  thymele  was  in  the 
orchestra.  So  in  Vitruvius,  V  7,  2  "actores  in  scaena  peragunt, 
reliqui  autem  artifices  suas  per  orchestram  praestant  actiones 
itaque  ex  eo  scaenici  et  thymelici  graece  separatim  nominantur'* 
the  writer  simply  understands  that  the  chorus  performed  its  part 
in  the  orchestra  and  received  a  name  from  the  thymele,  the  most 
important  object  in  this  portion  of  the  theatre.  The  scholiast  to 
Aristoph.  Eq.  149:  ws  eV  evp^n  t6  ava^aivi  is  speaking  of  an  actor, 
and  the  application  of  his  words  will  appear  when  this  passage  in 
the  Equites  is  considered.  The  story  of  Alkibiades  and  Eupolis 
in  schol.  Aristid.  Ill  444  adds  nothing.  The  only  passages  in 
which  Miiller  finds  that  thymele  really  means  platform  are  Gloss. 

PhiloX.,  ed.  Vulc,  p.  176,  18:    pulpitum,    OvpfXrj,    (ravlbapa,  eTTtncduv; 

Charisius,  I,  p.  552,  18,  Keil :  pulpitus,  BvptXr].  These  definitions 
should  be  compared  with  Pollux,  IV  123.  They  do  not  at  all 
indicate  that  the  thymele  was  a  large  platform  for  the  chorus. 
The  citations  from  Thomas  Magister,  p.  179,  ed.  Ritschl,  and 
Strabo,  p.  468,  Cas.  (Miiller,  S.  130,  An.  i),  as  Miiller  rightly 
remarks,  only  show  that  the  musicians  had  their  place  on  the 
thymele.  In  the  famous  Hyporchema  of  Pratinas  in  Athen.  XIV, 
p.  617  C:   tU  6  66pv^os  ode;  tI  rabe  ra  ;^o/)ei;^ara/  r'a  v^pis  fpoXev  eirl 

Aiow,Tid8a  TToXviraTaya  BvpfKav;  the  poet  is  Complaining  of  the  inso- 
lence of  the  flute-players  in  taking  the  lead,  instead  of  being 
content  to  accompany  the  chorus.  His  tIs  v^pis  refers  to  the 
insolence  of  the  musicians,  and  the  noXvndTaya  BvpeXav  is  so  called 
because  it  resounded  to  their  music.     The  words  of  Ulpian  to 

*  Wecklein  emends :  ra  otto  r^f  6v/Lie?iJjg. 


S9  W 


r  Mt 


It 

Dem.  Mid.,  p.  502,  explain  that  some  one  led  the  dishonored 
{rovs  dripovs)  away  from  the  altar  (?«  ttjs  OvpeXrjs) ;  but  they  contain 
no  hint  of  a  platform.  The  grammarian  Phrynichos,  p.  163,  Lob. 
(Miiller,  S.  130,  An.  5),  not  only  does  not  declare  in  favor  of  a 
special  stage  for  the  chorus,  but  by  using  Xoyclov  and  opxrjarpa 
shows  that  he  is  speaking  of  the  later  Roman  theatre.  For  Xoyeioi', 
as  applied  to  the  theatre,  is  never  used  till  Roman  times  (Dorpfeld). 

In  fact,  no  one  of  the  advocates  of  this  special  platform  has  as 
yet  brought  from  the  writings  of  the  ancients  one  word  of  positive 
testimony  for  its  existence,  while  the  argument  against  its  exist- 
ence is  overwhelming.^  It  is  hardly  possible  that,  among  the 
many  notices  which  have  come  down  to  us  from  antiquity  con- 
cerning the  Greek  theatre,  there  should  exist  no  mention  of  this 
special  platform  for  the  chorus,  if  it  ever  existed.  Vitruvius  (V 
6,  7)  takes  pains  to  explain  what  he  considers  to  be  the  chief 
points  of  difference  between  the  Greek  and  the  Roman  theatres. 
Had  such  a  platform  ever  existed,  he  could  have  mentioned 
nothing  else  that  would  have  emphasized  this  difference  so  much. 
He  is,  however,  silent  on  this  point.  Again,  if  such  a  dvpeXr)  were 
ever  present,  we  should  be  compelled  to  believe  that  the  Greeks 
first  built  their  stage  much  too  high ;  then,  when  they  discovered 
their  mistake,  in  order  to  bring  the  chorus  within  reach  of  the 
actors,  they  built  each  year  another  platform  nearly  as  high. 
This  requires  us  to  believe  that  the  Greeks  were  exceedingly 
unpractical. 

The  entire  area  of  the  orchestra  was  required  for  the  dithy- 
rambic  choruses  of  the  City  Dionysia.  This  platform  would  have 
interfered  with  the  motions  of  these  cyclic  choruses,  and  conse- 
quently must  have  been  erected  after  the  dithyrambic  contests, 
and  removed  at  the  conclusion  of  the  performance  of  the  dramas. 
This  renders  the  existence  of  such  a  OufxeXr}  improbable.  For 
the  yearly  erection  of  such  a  staging  special  appliances  would 
undoubtedly  be  present — sockets,  holes  for  the  supporting  posts, 
mortices  in  the  walls  of  the  'stage'  front  for  the  reception  of 
beams,  some  indication  of  the  inclined  plane  or  steps  leading 
from  the  parodoi  to  the  platform.  Not  a  trace  of  these  things 
has  ever  been  found. 

In  all  but  three  of  the  plays  of  Aristophanes,  actors  and  chorus 
go  off  together  at  the  end.     In  the  Wasps  the  poet  tells  us  that 

*  Cf.  Petersen  in  Wiener  Studien,  VII,  S.  175  ff.,  and  Haigh,  Attic  Theatre, 
p.  156  f. 


1 


12 


all  depart  dancing.  They  undoubtedly  do  the  same  in  the  Peace, 
the  Birds,  and  the  Ecclesiazusae.  This  action  would  be  impossible 
in  descending  from  a  platform  to  the  parodoi. 

In  several  plays  persons  enter  riding  upon  chariots  drawn  by 
horses.  As  will  appear  later,  these  could  not  have  appeared  on 
the  so-called  stage.  Equally  impossible  is  it  that  they  could  have 
ascended  to  this  special  platform.  The  din  made  by  horses  and 
chariots  moving  over  such  a  hollow  wooden  platform  is  in  itself 
sufficient  to  make  such  a  theory  improbable. 

The  fronts  of  the  'stages'  at  Athens,  Epidauros,  Oropos,  and 
Eretria  were  ornamented  with  handsome  columns ;  in  the  middle 
of  each  'stage '-front  was  a  door  leading  out  on  the  level  of  the 
orchestra.  This  special  platform  for  the  chorus  would  have  cut 
these  columns  and  doors  in  half,  and  they  would  then  have 
presented  a  very  unpleasing  appearance  to  the  eyes  of  the  spec- 
tators. To  say  that  the  theatre  was  used  for  other  than  dramatic 
purposes  is  no  sufficient  reply  to  this  argument.  The  theatre, 
particularly  the  'stage,'  was  principally  for  theatrical  purposes, 
and  it  requires  most  special  proof  to  show  that  the  architecture 
found  therein  was  intended  for  some  other  use. 

The  size  and  shape  of  this  imaginary  platform  are  not  the  same 
in  any  two  of  the  many  authors  who  have  advocated  its  existence. 
In  Epidauros  the  'stage'  was  4  m.  high.  Since  the  sole  object  of 
the  platform  now  under  consideration  was  to  bring  the  choreutae 
and  actors  near  each  other,  it  is  fair  to  assume  for  Epidauros  at 
least  2.50  m.  as  its  height.  In  Epidauros  the  0p6voi  of  the  front 
row  of  seats  rest  on  a  basis  whose  upper  surface  is  exactly  on  a 
level  with  the  orchestra  (cf.  plan  in  UpaKnAca,  1883,  mv.  A'  2). 
The  height  of  the  seat  of  these  dpovoi  from  the  basis  is  .43  m. — 
practically  the  same  as  that  of  the  similar  chairs  at  Athens  and 
Oropos.  The  average  man  as  he  sits  has  the  level  of  his  eyes 
not  more  than  .80  m.  above  the  seat.  From  the  level  of  the 
orchestra  to  the  level  of  the  eyes  of  the  spectators  in  the  front 
row  of  seats  at  Epidauros,  the  distance  would  not  be  greater  than 
1.25  m.  Since  the  thymele  was  to  be  large  enough  for  all  the 
evolutions  of  twenty-four  choreutae  (in  comedy),  it  is  not  too 
much  to  say  that  it  should  extend  from  the  front  of  the  'stage'  to 
the  centre  of  the  orchestra.  Fig.  2  represents  the  appearance  of 
the  'stage'  and  of  such  a  thymele  to  the  spectator  in  the  middle 
seat  of  the  front  row  in  this  theatre.  HA  is  the  line  of  sight  from 
the  spectator's  eye  to  the  top  of  the  stage ;  HEB  the  corresponding 


SO/cp"^^ 


^9g'/ 


0^ 


?^ 


ft 


t^''^<7^'^b 


>*• 

S> 

> 

"si 

•s* 

r^ 

.^ 

;^ 

-^ 

• 

«-> 

s 

^ 

• 

"i5^ 

5 

h 

V 

^ 

• 

-^ 

«o 

'«5- 

kj 

-55- 

K^ 

ft,    C5) 


Fig.  2. 


-f 


I  '/ 


♦  : 


14 

line  over  the  front  edge  of  the  thymele.  If  the  choreutae  were 
near  E  on  this  platform  their  bodies  would  effectually  conceal  the 
stage  from  the  spectator  at  //.  If  they  stood  in  the  rear  near  Z>, 
only  the  upper  portions  of  their  own  bodies  would  be  visible.  To 
avoid  this  last  difficulty  the  slope  of  the  thymele  must  be  nearly 
as  great  as  that  of  BE — rather  a  sharp  incline,  it  must  be  confessed. 

But  we  must  consider  not  only  the  man  who  sits  at  H^  but  also 
the  spectators  at  the  extreme  ends  of  this  row  of  seats.  Here  the 
spectator  was  not,  as  at  //,  separated  from  this  thymele  by  a 
distance  of  12.25  meters,  but  the  edge  of  the  platform  must  have 
been  very  near  to  him.  If,  as  was  natural,  the  thymele  covered 
the  entire  width  of  the  orchestra,  its  edge  was  only  2.50  m.  from 
the  ^poi/ot.  Every  foot  taken  from  the  width  to  withdraw  the  edge 
farther  away  removed  one  foot  from  each  side  of  the  platform. 
A  simple  mathematical  calculation  shows  that  this  process  of 
cutting  would  soon  render  the  platform  too  small  for  use.  In  any 
event,  the  spectators  at  the  ends  would  be  much  nearer  to  the 
thymele  than  those  in  the  centre  of  the  front  row.  Consequently 
the  ^^^^  of  the  platform  must  have  been  so  much  the  lower  that 
they  might  see  over  it.  The  slope  towards  the  ends  of  the  rows  of 
seats  was  greater,  then,  than  that  towards  H,  and  the  edges  of  this 
platform  opposite  the  end  seats  could  have  been  very  little  higher 
than  the  eyes  of  the  spectators  sitting  there,  i.  e.  very  little  more  than 
1.25  m.  high.  But  if  this  double  slope  towards  the  two  ends  existed^ 
the  persons  seated  in  these  portions  of  the  front  row  could  have  seen 
only  the  half  of  the  platform  next  to  them  ;  the  opposite  half  would 
have  been  cut  off  from  their  eyes  by  the  higher  middle  portion  of 
the  thymele  (along  DE,  Fig.  2).  The  shape  of  this  platform  must 
have  been,  then,  like  the  half  of  a  gigantic  turtle-shell,  with  the 
diameter  placed  against  the  '  stage '  and  the  incline  extending  in 
all  directions  to  the  edges.  This  is  a  self-evident  absurdity.  The 
only  way  to  overcome  all  these  difficulties  is  to  reduce  the  height 
of  the  platform  to  1.25  m.,  the  level  of  the  eyes  of  front  row 
of  spectators.  But  in  that  case  the  stage  would  be- over  8  ft.  above 
the  level  of  this  plat'brm,  and  communication  between  actors  and 
chorus  would  be  practically  as  difficult  as  if  no  such  thymele 
existed. 

The  argument  for  Epidauros  applies  fully  at  Athens,  except 
that  the  base  on  which  the  Athenian  thronoi  stand  is  .30  m.  above 
the  level  of  the  orchestra.  In  Oropos  a  new  difficulty  is  found 
(cf.  npajcTijca,   1886,  7r»i/.  3).      The  chairs  of  honor  are  in  their 


f  £v 


Y    m^ 


'X 


15 

original  position,  and  are  actually  placed  within  the  orchestra.  It 
is  incredible  that  any  platform  could  ever  have  been  erected 
immediately  before  the  eyes  of  the  occupants  of  these  thronoi. 

Of  great  weight  in  this  connection  are  the  discoveries  in  the 
theatre  of  Eretria  (cf.  Preprints  of  the  Am.  Journal  of  Arch.,  Vol.- 
VII,  No.  3).  An  inscription  found  in  the  theatre  (v.  Jour.,  p.  23) 
proves  that  the  theatre  was  at  least  as  old  as  the  IV  century.  The 
oldest  portion  is  probably  of  a  yet  earlier  date.  Exactly  in  the 
centre  of  the  orchestra  (cf.  plan  in  Jour.)  a  flight  of  steps  leads 
down  into  an  underground  passage  which  extends  to  a  position 
behind  the  *  stage '-front,  where  similar  steps  lead  again  to  the 
surface.  The  work  of  the  walls  of  this  tunnel  is  excellent;  it  is 
older  than  the  stone  'stage '-front — which  corresponds  to  the 
similar  structures  at  Epidauros,  Oropos,  and  Athens ;  it  is  .89 
m.  wide  and  2  m.  high  (C.  L.  Brownson  in  Jour.,  p.  43),  and  it  is 
entirely  unconnected  with  any  drain.  Its  only  possible  purpose 
was  to  allow  an  actor  to  pass  from  behind  the  'stage '-front  and 
appear  in  the  middle  of  the  orchestra.  'Charon's  steps'  (Pollux, 
IV  127)  appear  clearly  to  us  moderns  for  the  first  time  in  Eretria. 
In  Sikyon  (cf.  Am.  Jour,  of  Arch.,  Vol.  V,  Fig.  9)  a  similar  passage 
has  been  found,  but  this  tunnel  served  also  as  a  drain.  Such 
underground  passages  exist  also  in  Magnesia  and  Tralles.  So 
the  Eretrian  tunnel  by  no  means  stands  as  an  isolated  example. 
These  passages  would  have  been  entirely  unnecessary  had  a 
special  platform  for  the  chorus  existed.  One  would  surely  not 
expect  the  ghost  of  Dareios,  for  example,  to  pass  through  this 
passage  to  the  orchestra  and  then  climb  to  such  a  thymele. 

In  view  of  all  these  objections,  a  special  platform  such  as  has 
been  imagined  for  the  chorus  seems  an  utter  impossibility. 

The  So-called  G^eek  Stage, 

The  'stages'  of  Epidauros,  Athens,  and  Eretria  were  about  4  m. 
high.  The  corresponding  structure  in  the  smaller  theatre  of 
Oropos  was  only  2.51  m.  high.  The  appearance  of  the  '  stage '- 
front  in  each  of  the  four  theatres  was  much  the  same.  The  depth 
of  this  'stage'  was  in  Epidauros  3  m.,  in  Athens  2.25  m.  (Dorp- 
feld),  in  Eretria  2.14  m.,  in  Oropos  1.93  m.  This  depth  does  not, 
however,  represent  the  space  at  hand  for  the  actors  during  the 
presentation  of  a  play.  In  front  of  the  wall  of  the  stage-building 
must  have  been  placed  the  hia-nyla,  A.  Miiller  (B.-A.,  S.  140  ff.) 
explains  what  this  was  in  classic  times.     The  scenes  in  the  dramas 


^   |A 


fc\  .  ^ 


i6 

in  which  this  platform  was  used  will  be  discussed  later.  Suffice 
it  here  to  say  that  the  distegia  must  have  been  broad  enough  to 
contain  several  persons  and  to  permit  freedom  of  action.  The 
real  scenery  must  then  have  been  placed  on  a  framework  in  front 
of  the  wall  of  the  stage-building  (Miiller,  B.-A.,  S.  142),  far 
enough  away  to  allow  room  for  the  distegia.  Two  feet  in  depth 
would  be  altogether  too  narrow  accommodations  for  the  numbers 
who  at  times  appeared  on  this  platform.  Yet,  subtracting  two 
feet  from  the  depth  of  the  'stage,'  and  there  would  remain  for 
actual  use  in  the  presentation  of  a  play  a  shelf,  at  Athens  and 
Eretria  less  than  five  feet  deep,  at  Oropos  four  feet  deep,  and  even 
in  Epidauros  only  about  eight  feet  deep.  These  are  hard  facts  of 
actual  measurement  which  cannot  be  explained  away.  If  this 
structure  was  a  'stage'  in  one  theatre  it  was  a  'stage'  in  all,  and 
the  same  distegia  was  necessary  in  each. 

The  scene  of  the  drama  was  often  a  hillside,  part  way  up  the 
slope  of  which  was  the  mouth  of  a  cavern  to  which,  in  'Philok- 
tetes,'  a  path  leads  up.  Taf.  Ill  im  Theatergebiiude  von  J.  H. 
Strack  shows  the  impossibility  of  representing  such  a  scene  on 
such  a  'stage'  as  we  are  discussing.  Under  the  various  plays 
will  be  noted  the  many  other  instances  where  it  would  be  simply 
impossible  to  accommodate,  on  any  such  platform,  the  accessories 
actually  mentioned  in  the  text.  Yet  we  are  asked  to  believe  that, 
in  addition  to  the  scenery,  the  altars  and  other  accessories,  the 
in  many  instances  numerous  train  of  actors  and  mutes,  even  the 
chorus  also  appeared,  moved  and  danced  on  this  shelf  8,  5,  4  ft. 
deep !  It  has  been  soberly  maintained  also  that  chariots  and 
horses  were  driven  out  upon  it ! 

It  has  been  customary  to  assume  that  the  necessary  connection 
between  the  'stage'  and  orchestra  was  formed  by  the  steps  men- 
tioned by  Pollux,  IV  127,  and  Athenaios  de  Mach.,  p.  29,  Wesch. 
A  flight  of  steps  12  ft.  high  reaches  the  ground  some  15  ft.  from 
the  foot  of  a  perpendicular  let  fall  from  its  top.  If  these  steps 
extended  directly  into  the  orchestra,  they  would  render  a  con- 
siderable space  useless  for  the  evolutions  of  the  chorus.  If  they 
were  placed  close  against  the  'stage '-front,  they  would  partially 
conceal  the  columns  which  ornamented  these  'stage '-fronts,  and 
would  therefore  be  a  very  ugly  addition.  Up  and  down  such 
lofty  stairs  it  would  be  impossible  for  actors  and  chorus  to  pass  in 
the  many  scenes  which  require  quick  and  easy  communication 
between  the  entire  body  of  the  chorus  and  the  actors.     In  fact, 


17 

the  movements  of  the  tragic  actors,  incumbered  as  they  were  by 
their  robes  and  impeded  by  the  lofty  cothurnos,  over  such  steps 
would  have  been  attended  by  much  of  difficulty  and  even  of 
danger.  On  the  well-preserved  epistyle  of  the  'stage '-front  at 
Oropos  there  exists  not  a  scratch  or  a  mark  to  show  that  steps 
ever  rested  against  this  'stage';  nor  has  there  been  found  in 
any  Greek  theatre  any  indication  that  they  ever  existed. 

Vitruvius,  V  6,  is  describing  the  Roman  theatre;  Pollux,  IV 
124,  126,  seems  also  to  have  this  later  theatre  in  mind.  Fettered, 
however,  by  these  passages  and  by  the  information  obtained  from 
such  Roman  theatres  as  those  of  Orange  and  Aspendos,  writers 
have  been  unwilling  to  believe  that  the  doors  in  the  'stage '-fronts 
of  Epidauros,  Athens,  Oropos,  and  Eretria  could  have  been  meant 
for  the  actors.  The  theory  has  obtained  that  there  must  have 
been  at  least  three  doors  opening  on  the  'stage.'  Yet  the  ruins 
of  no  Greek  theatre  are  so  well  preserved  as  to  show  whether  or 
not  doors  ever  opened  from  the  wall  of  the  stage-buildings  on 
this  'stage'  (Dorpfeld,  Wochensch.  1890,  S.  1536),  and  in  most 
of  the  extant  dramas  only  one  door  in  the  background  is  required. 
Beneath  the  stage-buildings  at  Eretria  (cf.  plan  in  Jour,  of  Arch, 
cited  above)  is  a  finely  constructed  vaulted  passage  1.98  m.  wide 
and  2.95  m.  high.  For  the  entrance  of  the  public  and  the  chorus 
the  parodoi  afforded  ample  room.  The  orchestra  is  some  3.50  m. 
below  the  level  of  the  earth  behind  the  stage-buildings.  That 
this  tunnel  was  constructed  and  so  well  constructed  is  sufficient 
proof  of  its  importance.  This  passage,  then,  as  well  as  the  tunnel 
leading  into  the  middle  of  the  orchestra,  could  hardly  have  had 
any  other  use  than  as  a  means  of  ingress  and  egress  for  the  actors 
while  the  performance  was  going  on  in  front  of  the  'stage,'  not 
upon  it. 

The  plans  of  the  theatres  of  Epidauros,  Athens,  Oropos,  Eretria, 
Megalopolis  (cf.  Jour,  of  Hell.  Stud.,  vol.  XI,  p.  295)  and  Ter- 
messos  (cf.  Spratt,  Travels  in  Lycia,  p.  240)  may  serve  as  examples 
to  prove  that  the  rows  of  seats  in  a  Greek  theatre  extend  over  an 
arc  of  more  than  180°.  The  seats  in  the  ends  of  the  rows  are  so 
arranged  that  the  spectators  occupying  them  have  an  excellent 
view  of  what  is  going  on  in  the  orchestra ;  but  in  order  to  see  the 
top  of  the  'stage'  they  must  turn  themselves  half  about.  The 
Greek  theatre  was  not  hemmed  in  by  the  walls  of  a  building.  It 
would  have  been  easy,  therefore,  to  turn  these  seats  so  that  their 
occupants  could  have  had  an  unobstructed  view  of  the  'stage,* 


( 


i8 

had  this  view  been  desirable.  If  the  'stage'  had  been  used,  the 
distance  between  the  pubhc  and  the  actors  would  have  been  so 
great  that  the  chorus  would  necessarily  be  the  important  element 
in  the  performance.  The  great  force  of  the  last  two  arguments  is 
only  fully  appreciated  when  one  is  in  the  theatre  itself. 

The  height  of  this  'stage,'  the  lack  of  means  of  communication 
with  the  orchestra,  its  slight  depth,  its  distance  from  the  cavea, 
the  doors  leading  out  on  the  level  of  the  orchestra,  the  arrange- 
ment of  the  seats  themselves,  all  unite  to  prove  that  this  structure 
could  never  have  been  used  as  a  stage. 

Against  this  emphatic  testimony  we  have  the  word  of  Vitruvius 
(V  7)  that  this  proskenion  was  the  stage  of  the  Greek  theatre. 
The  general  correctness  of  his  architectural  views  proves  that  the 
architectural  authorities  from  which  he  drew  his  information 
concerning  that  earlier  theatre  which  he  calls  Greek  were  excel- 
lent. Misled  by  the  existence  of  a  stage  in  the  later  theatre  and 
by  the  term  Xoyuov  as  applied  to  this,  and  finding  no  other 
structure  on  the  plans  of  the  earlier  theatres  before  him  to  which 
the  name  could  be  applied,  he  made  the  mistake  of  naming  the 
proskenion  Xoydov.  The  only  theatre  he  would  naturally  have 
an  opportunity   to   inspect  was    that    theatre  which   he   called 

'  Roman.' 

Haigh  (Attic  Theatre,  p.  158)  maintains  that  the  proskenion 
was  used  as  a  stage,  but  conjectures  that  the  stage  of  the  V 
century  was  only  6  or  7  ft.  high.  For  this  assumption  he  has,  of 
course,  no  proof.  The  latest  plays  of  Euripides  and  Aristophanes 
required  the  same  freedom  of  communication  between  actors  and 
chorus  as  did  the  earliest  plays  of  Aischylos.  There  could  have 
been  no  increase  in  height  in  the  V  century.  The  historical  fact 
is  that  with  the  disappearance  of  the  chorus  in  the  IV  and  III 
centuries  there  developed  what  we  know  as  the  Roman  stage. 
If  a  i2-ft.  stage  had  ever  been  used  I  agree  with  Todt  (Philol. 
Suppl.  VI,  S.  131)  that  it  existed  when  the  'Prometheus'  was  first 
given.  But  the  stage-theory  requires  two  sudden  springs.  We 
have  absolutely  nothing  between  the  table  of  Thespis  and  the 
•stage'  at  Epidauros,  and  there  is  no  intermediate  step  between 
this  'stage'  4  m.  high  and  the  5-ft.  Roman  stage.  No  satisfactory 
explanation  is  offered  for  these  changes,  which  are  contrary  both 
to  reason  and  to  the  historical  development  of  the  classic  drama 
and  the  classic  theatre  from  the  age  of  Aischylos  to  late  Roman 
times. 


7 


( 


19 

The  inscription  on  the  epistyle  of  this  structure  at  Oropos  puts 
beyond  doubt  that  its  proper  name  is  TrpoaKijvtov.    This  agrees  with 

the  article  m  PhotlOS,  Tfuros  apiarcpov'   6  pev  dpta-Tfpos  (TToix^os  6  npos  tw 

Bfarpo)  riv,  o  6'e  df^ioy  tt/jo?  tw  npon-Krjvicp.  The  words  of  Glycera  in 
Alciphron,  Ep.  II  4,  are  perhaps  not  to  be  reckoned  here,  since 
the  latest  editor,  Hercher,  following  a  hint  of  Meineke,  reads  fV 

rots   7rapnaKr}viois   instead    of  eV  mU    rrpoaKrjvloi^.      Hut   in   the    Life   of 

Nero,  26  "  interdiu  quoque  clam  gestatoria  sella  delattis  in  theatrum 
seditionibus  pantomimorum  ex  parte  proscaenii  superioie  signifer 
simul  ac  spectator  aderat,"  Suetonius  refers  to  the  top  of  the  pro- 
skenion, i.e.  'stage,'  in  the  words  "ex  parte  proscaenii  superiore." 
CIG.  4283,  from  the  theatre  of  Patara,  distinguishes  sharply 
between  the  Trpoa-Kijviop  and  the  later  Xoyflov.  Athen.  XIII,  p.  587 
B,  Photios  and  Suidas  v.  Nai/noi/,  Suidas  v.  npoaKlivuw,  Cramer, 
Anecd.  Paris,  I  19.  Duris  in  Athen.  XII,  p.  536  A  (Miiller,  B.-A., 
S.  117,  168),  have  ref<"rence  either  to  the  painted  decoration  in 
front  of  the  npoaKi]viov  or  to  that  temporary  structure  which  existed 
before  the  stone  Trpoa-KTjviov  was  built.* 

On  the  plan  of  the  Odeion  of  Herodes  Attikos  in  Athens 
(Baumeister,  Fig.  1824)  the  front  of  the  Xoydop  and  the  row  of 
columns  which  formed  the  background  before  which  the  play  was 
presented  are  both  indicated.  This" row  of  columns  is  1.84  m. 
from  the  wall  behind  them.'"^  That  is,  they  formed  the  TrpoaKijvmv 
in  this  Roman  theatre,  of  the  same  form,  position  and  purpose  as 
the  npoiTKrjvtov  which  stood  on  BB  in  the  neighboring  theatre  of 
Dionysos.  The  npoaKrivtov  remained  the  same  throu|>hout  the 
history  of  the  classic  theatre  ;  in  the  later,  the  '  Roman'  theatre,  a 
stage,  a  Xoydov  was  placed  before  it. 

The  word  a-Krjprj  refers  in  general  to  the  'stage '-building,  and  in 
no  classic  writer  does  it  mean  'stage'  (cf.  Reisch  in  Zeitsch.  fiir 
osterreich.  Gymnasien,  1887,  S.  270  flf.).  Therefore  the  vTToa-Krjviop 
is  not  the  room  'under  the  stage'  or  even  under  the  npooKTjPiop. 

Pollux    (IV    124),    in    vTTOdKrjviop    Kioai    Koi    dyaXparlois    KeKoaprjTo,    bv 

vno(rKT)piop  plainly  refers  to  the  wall  which  the  inscription  from 
Oropos  calls  the  TrpoaKijpiov.  As  often  happens  elsewhere  in  Pollux, 
a  mistake  has  been  made  in  the  term  used.  For  in  IV  124  he 
explains  by  ra  Inb  a-KrjPTJp  the  things  that  have  plainly  taken  place 

^Synes.  Aeg.  Ill  8,  p.  1286  elg  rovro  KwocpBa/^plCoiro  Sia  rov  ttpogktjvlov  refers 
to  the  entire  stage-buildings. 

^Tuckermann,  Das  Od.  des  Iler.  Att.,  S.  r.  T.  is  in  error  when  he  assumes 
that  other  columns  were  placed  above  these  (Dorpfeld). 


A 


( 


20 

'behind  the  scenes.'  vno  aKrjpijv  has  this  same  meaning  in  Polkix, 
IV  130  vno  TJi  (TKTjv^  omire^v;  Philost.  Vit.  Apollon.  VI  11,  p.  244 

01.  TO  vTTd  a-KTjvijf  airo0vi}(TK€iv;  Plutarch,  Phocion,  C.  V  ^(OKiKova  ,  .  . 
nfptnaTflv  vno   crKTjvrjv ;    A  rat.    XV   vvv\   8e   vno   a-Krjvrjv   eapaKas.      With 

this  meaning  Athenaios  agrees  in  XIV,  p.  631  'Aa<cn68a)pos  6  ^\idaios 
.  .  .  avTos  6Tt  €v  Tw  vTToaKTjv'Ko,  Ti  TovT  /  thfv.  Thereforc  Sommerbrodt 
(Scaenica,  S.  140)  is  correct  when  he  interprets  v'no(TKr]via/m  Pollux, 
IV  123,  as  the  rooms  in  the  stage  buildings,  in  the  o-ki/w;. 

The  references  to  the  cyclic  chorus  in  Dem.  Mid.  17,  to  the 
Ithyphalloi  in  Harpok.,  p.  100,  22,  Athenaios,  XIV,  p.  622  B,  and 
to  the  Phallophoroi  in  Athen.  XIV,  p.  622  D,  may  be  dismissed 
with  the  remark  that  it  is  absurd  to  suppose  that  they  entered  the 
theatre  from  the  skene  upon  a  lofty  stage  and  then  clambered 
down  a  flight  of  steps  to  reach  their  position  in  the  orchestra. 

The  attempt  to  prove  the  existence  of  a  stage  in  the  Athenian 
theatre  of  the  V  century  from  vase-paintings  found  in  Southern 
Italy  has  decidedly  not  succeeded.^  With  perhaps  a  single 
exception  (Baumeister,  Fig.  904),  there  is  no  trace  of  the  Old 
Comedy  on  these  vases.  No  one  of  the  scenes  has  been  referred 
to  the  Middle  or  the  New  Comedy.  The  oldest  of  these  vases 
goes  no  farther  back  than  the  beginning  of  the  III  century.  They 
are  found  only  in  Magna  Grecia.  It  is  incredible  that  the  vase- 
painters  of  this  period  in  Southern  Italy  should  go  back  more  than 
a  hundred  years  and  select  from  Athens  the  scenes  which  they 
placed  on  their  wares,  particularly  when  no  Athenian  vase-painter 
had  set  them  an  example.  In  no  other  field  has  the  Italian  vase- 
painter  shown  such  originality.  A  chorus  is  never  found  in  these 
representations.  The  stage  is  of  the  rudest  description.  The 
steps  leading  therefrom  are  too  narrow  and  too  steep  to  meet  the 
requirements  of  the  Attic  dramas  of  the  V  century.  We  are 
warranted,  then,  in  saying  that  these  scenes  were  taken  from  the 
*  Phlyakenpossen,'  as  these  were  presented  in  Southern  Italy  at 
the  time  when  these  vases  were  manufactured. 

Outline  of  the  Development  of  the  Greek  Theatre, 

Beyond  question,  from  the  earliest  times  an  altar  stood  in  the 
orchestra.^  The  previous  discussion  has  clearly  shown  that  this 
altar  was  sometimes  called  6v^iKi].    Around  this  altar,  before  the 

*Cf.  Arnold  in  Baumeister,  S.  1750  fF.;  Heydermann,  Jahrbuch  d.  k.  Arch. 
Tns.  1886,  S.  260  ff.,  and  A.  Muller,  Philol.  Suppl.,  Bd.  VI,  S.  59  f. 

■''Cf.  Suidas  v.  Kaddpaiov;  Pollux,  IV  103;  Plut.  Cimon,  c.  9;  Philost.  Vit. 
ApoU.  IV  22. 


-1  i 

r 


I 


♦  7  i^ 


< 


21 


beginning  of  the  real  drama,  the  assembled  crowd  danced.^  The 
first  actor  stood  on  a  table  near  this  altar.^  This  table  is  also 
called  Qv\kiKr]  in  Et.  Mag.,  p.  458,  30;  Orion,  Theb.  Etym.,  p.  72; 
Cyrill.  Lex.  in  Alberti  on  Hesych.  I,  p.  1743.  In  speaking  of  the 
theatre  of  later  times  also,  the  actors  are  also  brought  into  close 
connection  with  the  BvfieXt],  as  in  Diodor.  4,  5 ;  Plutarch,  Demetr. 
12,  and  De  Pyth.  Or.  22 ;  Alciphron,  II  3,  16  ;  Suidas  v.  evfieXiKol', 
Plut.  Sulla  36;  Athen.  XV,  p.  699  A;  CIG.  3493.  Since  the 
musicians  and  the  pa^Bovxot  (cf.  Suidas  and  Schol.  Aristoph.,  Peace 
733)  had  their  place  on  this  BvpifKriy  it  could  hardly  have  been  that 
portion  of  the  altar  on  which  the  offering  was  laid.  In  Olympia 
that  portion  of  the  altar  on  which  the  priests  stood  was  called  the 
TTpodvais  (Dorpfeld).  In  the  theatre,  as  we  have  seen,  it  was  called 
dvfiiXrj,  and  an  inscription  from  Delos  in  Bull.  Cor.  Hell.  1890,  p. 
396  f]  6vfi€\ri  Tov  ^(onov,  clearly  shows  that  the  thymele  was  a  portion 
of  the  altar. 

So  long  as  there  was  only  one  actor  this  dvpeXr},  this  step,  as  it 
were,  beside  the  ^afios  on  which  the  actor  stood,  was  sufficient. 
As  soon  as  the  real  drama  began,  with  the  introduction  of  the 
second  actor  under  Aischylos,  more  room  was  needed.  Then 
the  cothurnos  (Cramer,  Anecd.  Paris,  I  19)  was  invented,  and 
the  elevation  of  the  BvfitXr}  became  movable  under  the  feet  of  the 
actors.  The  earlier  explanation  that  the  cothurnos  was  added  to 
give  the  actors  the  appearance  of  demigods  and  heroes  is  not 
sufficient.  There  were  not  only  Prometheus,  Agamemnon,  The- 
seus and  Oidipos,  but  also  heralds,  nurses,  slaves  and  ordinary 
mortals  like  Xerxes  to  be  represented.  There  is  no  aesthetical 
reason  why  these  latter  should  be  made  to  appear  unusually  large. 
In  the  fact  that  the  actors  were  brought  down  from  the  6v/i€\r{  and 
placed  on  the  same  level  with  the  choreutae  is  found  the  reason 
why  they  were  made  taller  and  given  a  more  splendid  costume. 
By  these  means  they  were  at  all  times  readily  distinguishable  from 
the  members  of  the  chorus  among  whom  they  were  moving. 
When  one  has  seen  24  men  march  into  the  great  orchestra  at 
Epidauros,  and  go  through  with  such  manoeuvres  as  we  may 
imagine  the  chorus  performed,  the  objection  that,  even  with  the 
aid  of  the  cothurnos  and  the  tragic  robe,  the  actors  would  have 
been  hidden  by  the  chorus  ceases  to  exist.  It  is  as  if  the  per- 
formers  in  a   modern  opera-house   took   their  position   in   the 

*Cf.  Euanthius,  Fe  trag.  et  com.,  p.  4;  Max.,  Tyr.  dissert.  37. 
*  Pollux,  IV  123,  calls  this  a  'meat-table,'  e/.eog. 


i 


22 

parquette— on  the  floor  of  the  house— while  the  audience  sits  in 
the  boxes  and  jralleries  around  three  sides  of  them.  The  chorus 
of  24  even  was  very  small  in  proportion  to  the  great  area  of  the 
orchestra,  and  even  if  grouped  in  a  body,  the  choreutae  could 
have  concealed  the  actors  only  from  a  very  small  portion  of  the 
audience  at  one  time.  It  is  nowhere  in  the  classic  drama  distinctly 
said  that  the  chorus  was  instructed  not  to  stand  between  the  actors 
and  the  audience,  but  neither  does  the  modern  opera  contain 
directions  for  the  crowds  which  fill  the  staoe  to  remain  in  the 
background,  nor  does  the  text  of  the  Passion  Play  of  Oberam- 
meroau  command  the  chorus  to  fall  back  on  either  side,  that  the 
action  may  be  seen. 

As  soon  as  an  actor  had  more  than  one  part  to  play,  a  booth,  a 
(TKTjv^,  was  necessary  for  the  change  of  costume.  When  the  second 
actor  was  added,  and  the  action  was  given  a  fixed  place,  it  was 
most  natural  that  the  actors  should  occupy  the  ground  immediately 
before  this  temple  or  palace.  So,  while  the  entire  orchestra  might 
be  necessary  for  the  dances  of  the  'stasima,'  that  half  of  the 
orchestra  next  to  the  proskenion  became  naturally  the  'scene'  of 
the  play.  For  the  lively  movement  of  the  comedy  the  cothurnos 
was  unsuited,  and  so  was  discarded ;  but  it  is  from  the  comedy 
that  we  obtain  some  of  the  strongest  proof  that  actors  and  chorus 
were  together  in  the  orchestra. 

A  \oy€iov  for  the  actors  we  find  mentioned  for  the  first  time  after 
the  chorus  has  practically  disappeared  from  the  drama.  When 
the  chorus  was  no  longer  present,  then  the  entire  orchestra  circle 
was  no  longer  necessary.  The  actors  remained  as  always,  in  the 
part  in  front  of  the  proskenion ;  the  other  half  could  be  used  for 
other  purposes.  To  separate  the  spectators  in  the  front  row  of 
seats  from  the  combats  of  gladiators  and  of  wild  beasts,  in  Athens 
the  balustrade  of  marble  slabs  was  erected.  In  Pergamon  and 
Assos  the  lower  rows  of  seats  were  removed  till  the  lowest  row 
remaining  was  on  a  level  with  the  Xoyelov  which  had  been  con- 
structed. In  the  theatres  of  Aizani,  Telmessos,  Patara  and 
Aspendos  the  lower  rows  of  seats  are  also  on  a  level  with  the 
stage.  If  in  these  theatres  the  space  between  the  Xoyela  and  the 
front  rows  of  seats  were  filled  up  to  the  level  of  the  Xoyela,  there 
would  then  exist  the  orchestra  circle  of  the  V-century  theatre.^ 
For  in  the   Greek   theatres   like   those   of  Epidauros,    Athens, 

^Cf.  Durm,  Baukunst  der  Griechen,  S.  213. 


yi 


■\^ 


%r 


•j*^ 


23 

Peiraieus,  Oropos,  Delos,  Myra,  Patara,  Telmessos,  Side,  Eretria, 
Megalopolis,  the  circle  of  the  orchestra  does  not  quite  reach  the 
front  of  the  proskenion. 

In  the  Roman  theatre,  according  to  Vitruvius,  the  senators  sat 
in  this  portion  of  the  old  Greek  orchestra  that  was  no  longer 
needed  for  the  proper  presentation  of  the  plays.  If  the  senators 
had  been  seated  on  the  same  level  with  the  actors,  those  in  the 
back  rows  could  not  have  seen  over  the  heads  of  those  in  front. 
Here  arose  another  reason  for  lowering  that  half  of  the  elder 
orchestra  in  which  the  senators  were  sitting,  or  of  elevating  the 
stage  on  which  the  actors  performed. 

When,  for  any  reason,  this  difference  in  level  existed,  the  public 
could  no  longer  enter  through  the  old  parodoi  and  pass  from 
thence  to  their  seats.  So  in  the  Roman  theatres  we  find  two 
passages  into  the  theatre,  the  old  parodoi  now  leading  to  the 
stage  alone,  and  new  vaulted  passages  under  the  wings  of  the 
rows  of  seats  into  the  new  lower  level  of  the  orchestra.  Since  in 
the  Roman  theatre  the  old  parodoi  were  used  only  by  the  actors, 
it  required  but  one  step  more  in  the  development  to  roof  these 
passages  over  and  thus  bring  the  walls  of  the  stage-buildings  into 
connection  with  the  walls  of  the  *  theatron,'  thus  rendering  a  roof 
over  the  cavea  a  possibility. 

No  author  of  the  V  or  IV  century  mentions  a  'stage'  in  the 
theatre.  For  the  word  oKpi^avra  in  Plato's  Conviv.,  p.  194  B, 
refers  only  to  an  elevation  in  the  circular  odeion  where  the 
rehearsals  were  held.^  When  a  portion  of  the  orchestra  was 
lowered  to  form  an  arena,  this  was  called  Koviarpa.  The  portion 
remaining  for  the  actors  also  received  a  new  name,  Xoyetoi/,  because 
it  was  now  distinctively  the  'speaking  place'  of  the  actors.  Since 
in  the  Roman  theatre  the  boundary  line  between  the  Kovicrrpa  and 
the  Xoyeiov  passed  through  the  centre  of  the  old  orchestra,  the 
thymele,  the  altar  could  be  placed  at  will  in  either. 

This  late  Greek,  the  so-called  Roman  theatre,  is  described 
correctly  by  Suidas  and  Et.  Mag.  v.  aKrjvrj.   Sktjvtj  cotiv  1]  fiearj  6vpa 

Tov  dedrpoVf  irapaaKrjvia  Se  ra  cpOcv  koI  cvBcv  t^s  fiearjs  dvpas  (^x*^^*^^  Kay- 
KeWa),  Koi  Lva  (Ta(f)€(rT€pov  eiiroi  i(TKr)pr]  rf]  pLtTo.  rfjv  <TKr)vrjp  €v6vs  /cat  ra 
7rapa<TKT}via  rj  opxTjarpa.  avrr)  5e  etrrti'  6  ronos  6  ck  ffavidav  €\a>v  to  eda(f)os 
f(f)'  ov  B^arpi^ovuiv  oi  fjujxoi.  eira  //era  t^p  opxrjoTpap  ^(Ofios  rjp  roii  AiovvaoVf 
T€Tpdya)POP  olKodofirjfia  kcpop  fVl  tov  fieVov,  6  /caXelrai  BvfieXr]  napa  to  6v€iVf 
fiera  Be  tijv  $vfi€\rjp  rj  KOPiaTpa  tovt   ivji  to  Korai  tbac^os  tov  Btdrpov, 

*Cf.  Rohde,  Rhein.  Mus.  38,  p.  255  f.;  Dorp.,  Wochensch.  1890,  S.  470. 


V 


r 


24 

First  is  the  (rKrfvri  described  as  the  middle  door,  which  was  the 
most  prominent  object  in  the  wall  facing  the  spectators.  On  either 
side  of  this  were  the  wapaaKrjvia.  Next  is  mentioned  the  Xoyilov, 
rightfully  called  by  its  old  name,  opxh^rrpa.  The  altar  of  Dionysos, 
the  du/xAi;,  is  named,  as  we  should  naturally  expect,  between  the 
\aytlov  and  that  latest  addition  to  the  theatre,  the  Kovivrpa.  In  the 
introduction  to  the  *  Clouds '  the  scholiast  also  says :  <V  t^  opxvfrrpq 
T«  vCv  UyopLfiKa  Xoyct'o).  Isidor,  Origg.  18,  43,  explains:  pulpitus, 
qui  pulpitus  orchestra  vocabatur,  and  44  :  orchestra  autem  pulpitus 
erat. 

The  references  of  the  scholiasts  and  the  grammarians  to  the 
\oyuov  are  easily  explained.  Through  ignorance  of  the  true 
arrangement  of  the  classic  theatre,  they  have  sometimes  ascribed 
to  it  the  \oyiiov  which  belonged  only  to  later  times,  a  natural 
mistake  when  we  consider  the  centuries  which  separated  some  of 
these  writers  from  the  theatre  which  they  sought  to  describe. 
Again,  they  may  have  been  misled  by  the  fact  that  when  a 
classic  play  was  revived  it  was  necessarily  adapted  to  the  '  Roman ' 
theatre. 


r. 


\ 


( 


h 


> 


Part  II. 

CONSIDERATION  OF  THE  EXTANT  DRAMAS. 

An  examination  of  the  works  of  the  four  great  dramatists  in 
strictly  chronological  order  would  seem  at  first  glance  calculated 
to  show  most  clearly  the  steady  course  of  development  in  the 
drama,  and  consequently  to  illustrate  most  fully  the  corresponding 
changes  which  were  made  in  'stage '-buildings  and  equipments. 
But  Sophokles  was  ever  more  akin  to  Aischylos  than  to  Euripides, 
and  Aristophanes  frequently  holds  the  youngest  of  the  tragedians 
up  to  ridicule,  both  in  his  text  and  in  the  setting  of  his  plays.  It 
has  seemed  best,  therefore,  to  follow  an  order  which,  while  in  a 
general  way  chronological,  shall  place  together  the  poets  who 
are  most  closely  related  to  each  other.^ 

I.   The  Plays  of  Aischylos  before  the  Time  of 

Sophokles.^ 


Supplices, 

Two  points  in  this  play  are  especially  remarkable.  The  action 
does  not  take  place  before  a  palace  or  temple,  or  in  any  well- 
known  locality;  there  is  no  hint  of  a  'scenae  frons.'  We  find 
mention  of  an  altar  (222)  near  the  coast  of  Argos  (714  ff.,  734, 
744,  836)  and  not  far  from  the  city  (955  ff.).  Again,  the  dialogue 
is  almost  entirely  between  an  actor  and  the  chorus.  On  only  two 
occasions  does  an  actor  converse  with  a  fellow-actor  (480  flf.  and 

*  The  chronological  order  of  the  plays  followed  is  that  found  in  Christ's 
Geschichte  der  griechischen  Litteratur.  The  references  are  for  the  *  Persians  * 
to  TeuflFel-Wecklein's  edition  ;  for  the  other  plays,  to  the  Teubner  texts. 

'^Cf.  Wilamowitz,  Hermes,  XXI,  S.  597  ff.;  Schonborn,  Die  Skene  der 
Hellenen,  S.  284  ff.;  A.  MuUer,  B.-A.  125  f.;  Todt,  Noch  einmal  die  Buhne 
des  Aeschylos,  in  Philologus,  XLVIII,  S.  505  ff.;  Capps,  The  Stage  in  the 
Greek  Theatre. 


J 


A 


26 

911  ff.).  The  chorus  is  the  important  element  of  the  play.  In 
the  choreutae  the  interest  centres,  and  where  they  are,  there  is  the 
place  of  the  action. 

The  first  words  of  Danaos  (tw5*  vavK\r]p<p  narpi,  177)  assure  us 
that  he  has  come  as  a  guide  to  his  daughters.     As  such  his  place 
was  with  the  chorus  when  they  came  marching  in  chanting  their 
anapaests,  at  the  opening  of  the  play.     The  entrance  of  the  king 
(234)  and  of  the  herald  (836)  are  most  carefully  motived.     Even 
when  Danaos  returns  from  the  city  (600)  the  chorus  greets  him 
as  he  enters ;  and  we  feel  that  it  is  only  because  of  the  exciting 
nature  of  the  scene  that  there  is  a  lack  of  something  of  the  kind 
when  the  king  reappears  (911).     Since,  then,  there  is  nothing  in 
the  play  to  indicate  that  such  is  the  case,  it  is  hardly  credible  that 
Danaos  should  have  entered  during  the  recital  of  vs.  i-i75-     The 
play  assumes  his  presence  with  his  children  from  the  beginning. 
«XX'  ^9  raxiirra  ^ arc  he  bids  them  (191).     If  he  were  on  the  stage 
he  must  bid  them  'come  up'  to  him.     For  if  a  'stage'  existed,  the 
altar,  as  we  shall  presently  see,  was  upon  it.     But  ^Src  is  exactly 
the  expression  to  be  used  if  the  father  stood  with  his  children  and 
bade  them  seek  refuge  at  an  altar  on  the  same  level  with  them- 
selves.    There  is  in  fact  no  hint  of  any  change  of  level  as  they 
repeatedly  pass  to  and  from  this  altar.     The  king  says  fmarpit^ov 
(508).     They  exhort  each  other  ^aivt  <l>vya  irpos  oKkuv  (832).     It  is 
not  possible  that  they  could  have  climbed  to  a  stage  in  the  four 
lines  which  are  spoken  before  the  herald  joins  them  (836).     What 
an  absurd    spectacle   these    choreutae    would    have    presented 
scrambling  up  a  flight  of  steps  to  reach  their  altar  of  refuge ! 
Finally,  when  the  king  invites  the  chorus  to  go  to  the  city,  he 
uses  ar€ix€r  (955).    Schonbom  infers  from  Trdyop  (189)  that  a  hill 
is  represented  on  the  scene.     But  this  is  not  simply  a  hill,  but 
ndyou  T5>vd'  dy<opla>p  ^««v.     It  is  neither  more  nor  less  than  the  altar 
of  the  gods,  at  which  the  maidens  are  to  sit  as  suppliants.     This 
is  plain  from  Kptiaaiou  Be  nCpyov  |3o>/Li(Jf  in  the  following  line,     ndyov 
tS>v  e^a^v  for  altar  Oco/xdr)  need  not  surprise  us,  when  we  remember 
that  altars  at  Olympia  and  elsewhere  frequendy  became  hillocks 
by  the  gradual  accretions  from  the  remains  of  sacrifices. 

At  v.  208  the  chorus  says  to  Danaos  dikoip!  hv  fjdrj  <to\  ttcXoc 
ep6povs  tx^ip.  Father  and  daughters  are  both  at  the  altar.  Here 
the  choreutae  remain  till  v.  508,  when  they  leave  their  suppliant 
position  at  the  request  of  the  king.  On  the  approach  of  the 
herald  (832)  they  again  seek  refuge  at  the  altar,  from  which  they 


f* 


^  ^' 


i 


\T 


. 


,   y 


'-<> 


27 

depart  to  the  city  (955).  Since  the  herald  seeks  to  drag  them 
from  its  protection  (866-910),  and  is  only  prevented  from  doing 
so  by  the  timely  arrival  of  the  king  (911),  it  follows  that  this  altar 
was  where  the  actors  were  accustomed  to  be — on  the  'stage,'  if 
there  were  a  stage.  But  the  chorus  is  at  the  altar  during  454 
verses,  considerably  more  than  one-third  of  the  entire  play,  and 
during  almost  the  entire  time  when  the  action  is  going  on. 

Besides  altars,  chorus  and  actors  there  were  present  the 
attributes  and  images  of  the  gods,  rplaivap  (218),  *Ep/x^ff  o5'  (220), 
0p€T€a  (463),  Tpiaipas  (755),  ^ptreos  (885).  These  were  numerous 
and  of  considerable  size,  for  the  choreutae  threaten  to  hang 
themselves  upon  them  (465).  Some  portion  of  the  multitude 
seen  by  Danaos  (180  ff.)  is  also  present,  as  the  king  (otcixoct'  Sp, 
av8p(9,  500)  commands  his  attendants  to  guide  and  guard  Danaos. 
Again,  (f>i\ais  oTrdoai  (954)  and  oTraBoi  (1023)  refer  to  others  than 
the  choreutae.  It  would  be  difficult  indeed  to  accommodate  on 
any  stage  possible  in  a  Greek  theatre  these  persons  and  objects 
actually  mentioned  as  present. 

V.  713  UeTadoKov  yap  T^ffS'  otto  a-KOTrrjs  6pS>  is  also  taken  as  an 
indication  of  an  elevated  'stage.'  That  the  chorus  is  at  this  time 
in  the  orchestra  is  evident.  For  they  left  the  altar  at  508  and  do 
not  return  to  it  till  the  entrance  of  the  herald.  They  are  surely 
not  far  from  it,  because  the  ode  630-709  is  a  prayer  at  this  koipo- 
P<ofiia  for  all  blessings  for  the  Argives.  Danaos  is  with  his  children 
in  the  orchestra,  since  poprjp  de  ^fj  TrpoXctTre,  XiWofiai  (74^)  becomes 
nonsense  if  the  father  is  not  near  enough  to  render  assistance  in 
case  the  choreutae  are  attacked.  In  iKeraBoKov  a-KOTrrjs  we  surely 
have  a  reference  to  the  same  altar  mentioned  in  ndyop  rapb' 
dyapiav  dtc^P'  If  this  altar  were  on  an  elevated  stage  to  which 
the  herald  was  about  to  enter  (836),  and  on  which  he  was  bound 
by  the  rules  of  dramatic  art  to  remain,  why  does  the  chorus  run 
to  meet  the  danger  ? 

The  setting  of  the  play  becomes  simple  when  we  once  have 
clearly  in  mind  the  earliest  orchestra  on  the  site  of  the  theatre  at 
Athens  (cf.  Part  I).  There  were  no  stage-buildings.  The  ^Itar 
in  the  middle  of  the  orchestra  would  naturally  be  the  altar  belong- 
ing to  the  temple,  since  a  second  altar  for  sacrificial  purposes 
would  be  superfluous.  The  Suppliants  carries  us  back  more 
nearly  than  any  other  extant  play  to  the  time  when  the  drama 
consisted  of  odes  sung  by  the  choreutae  as  they  danced  around 
the  altar.     In  the  light  of  what  we  have  found  in  the  play  itself 


>  I    V 


28 

we  are  warranted  in  saying  that  to  this  circular  dancing-place  came 
the  procession  of  Danaos  and  his  daughters.  To  the  large  altar 
(^KOivo^<ofxiay  cf.  189  f.,  222)  in  its  centre,  decorated  with  emblems  and 
mages  of  the  gods,  they  go,  deposit  their  branches,  and  sit  as  sup- 
pliants. Hither  come  the  king  and  his  attendants  and  find  them. 
He  sends  Danaos  to  the  city,  then  follows  him.  Danaos  returns, 
from  the  altar  sees  the  enemy  approaching,  and  hastens  for  aid. 
The  herald  comes  and  seeks  to  drag  the  maidens  to  the  ships, 
but  is  prevented  by  the  king.  Finally  Danaos  with  his  guard  of 
honor  (980  ff.)  leads  his  children  from  the  orchestra  (1014  ff.) 
away  into  the  hospitable  city.  Thus  regarded  the  play  possesses 
a  dignity  and  simplicity  which  are  entirely  wanting  on  the  suppo- 
sition of  a  stage  of  any  kind.  Viewed  in  this  light  the  Suppliants 
shows  a  natural  step  in  the  development  from  the  choral  song. 

Persa^, 

The  tomb  of  Dareios  is  the  central  point  of  much  of  the  action. 
It  is  a  structure  of  some  size,  for  the  shade  of  the  king  is  invited 

(659)  €\6'  en    aKpov  Kopvfi^ov  6x6ov.      tyyvs  eirrares  rdcjiov  (686)  proves 

that  he  literally  obeys  this  call.  The  words  (rreyo?  apxaiov  (141) 
seem  also  to  apply  to  this  family  sepulchre  (cf  v.  657  apxaios  ^aXX^v, 
Soph.  Electra  1165,  and  Lycophr.  Alex.  1097),  since  a  council 
chamber  such  as  Wilamowitz  (Herm.  XXI)  has  assumed  would 
not  be  erected  on  the  scene  for  this  one  brief  reference. 

The  palace  was  at  a  distance.  The  chorus  see  Atossa  approach- 
ing at  150,  but  it  is  five  lines  later  before  they  begin  to  address 
her.  Appearing  from  a  palace  in  the  background,  she  would 
have  been  immediately  before  them  as  soon  as  she  became  visible. 
She  announces  (159)  raira  Xmova  iKava.  These  words  are  super- 
fluous if  the  palace  was  before  the  eyes  of  the  choreutae.  The 
queen  mentions  (229)  the  offerings  she  will  make  after  she  has 
returned  to  the  royal  dwelling.  She  says  she  will  return  to  the 
sepulchre  with  a  sacrificial  cake  (524),  but  adds  (529  f.)  edtmep  devp' 

(fjLOV   7rp6(T0€V  p.6\r]j  I  7rapT]yop(iT€,  koI  ttpottc/xttct'  es  Bofxovs,      ThlS   eSCOrt 

duty  could  only  be  performed  by  the  chorus  when  the  palace  lay 
at  a  distance.  The  mother's  fear  that  her  son  will  arrive  while 
she  is  absent,  and  her  non-appearance  in  the  long  scene  which 
follows  the  appearance  of  Xerxes,  are  both  inexplicable  on  the 
theory  that  the  palace  is  before  the  eyes  of  the  spectators.  In  all 
these  passages  there  is  the  idea  of  space  to  be  traversed  and  time 
to  be  consumed  in  passing  to  and  from  the  dwelling. 


i^^ 


x< 


J 


r 


^^ 


29 

The    queen    announces   (607  f.)    roiyap    KikevBov  ttjv8*   ap€v  t 

oxTj fxarav  |  ;^Xid^s"    t€    ttjs    rrapoiBev    €K    Sofioav    naXiv  \  corctXa.       oxT)fia 

means  vehiculum,  chariot,^  as  in  Iph.  in  Aulis  610  f  aXX'  oxwdrav 
€^<o  TToptvfB'.  The  fact  that  Atossa  takes  pains  to  say  that  she  has 
come  without  her  chariot  and  her  former  pomp  distinctly  implies 
that  at  her  first  appearance  she  did  come  with  such  royal  insignia. 
Therefore  it  was  equally  impossible  that  she  should  come  from  a 
palace  in  the  background,  or  enter  on  a  stage  at  all.  Lines  1016 
and  1024  show  how  poverty-stricken  was  the  dress  of  Xerxes  on 
his  arrival  on  the  scene  of  action,  and  how  few  were  in  his  retinue. 
Still  the  poet  could  not  introduce  the  king  unattended,  nor  repre- 
sent him  as  having  come  from  Greece  on  foot.  Therefore  it  is  a 
fair  inference  that  aKT}va7s  rpoxrikdroKnv  (1000  f.)  imply  a  chariot  in 
which  the  king  appears  in  the  orchestra. 

But  there  are  yet  other  proofs  that  actors  and  chorus  are 
together  in  the  orchestra.  For  the  first  forty  lines  after  his 
appearance  (249)  the  messenger  converses  with  the  chorus. 
Had  he  appeared  on  a  stage  of  which  Atossa  and  her  attendants 
were  the  occupants,  he  would  on  his  entrance  have  stood  face  to 
face  with  them,  and  it  would  have  been  most  unnatural  for  him  to 
turn  from  the  queen  before  him  to  address  the  chorus  in  the 
orchestra  below  and  at  some  distance  from  him.  His  action  is 
natural  only  on  the  supposition  that  he  enters  through  the 
parodos,  since  then  the  chorus  in  the  middle  of  the  orchestra 
would  first  meet  his  eyes.  Again  Atossa  returns  from  the  palace 
with  the  sacrificial  offerings  (598)  and  the  chorus  join  in  the 
libations  to  the  dead  which  follow.  It  need  hardly  be  said  that 
all  are  by  the  tomb  during  this  ceremony.  In  fact  Dareios 
addresses  his  wife  as  ra<^ou  TrAay  (684)  and  the  chorus  as  iyyvs  .  .  . 
Td4>ov  (686).  He  actually  addresses  the  chorus  first  on  his  appear- 
ance (681).  Then  the  commands  of  Xerxes  to  the  chorus,  irpos 
boiiovs  5'  Wi  (1038)  and  is  dofiovs  kU  (1067),  do  not  bid  them  to 
'come  up' to  him  and  enter  the  palace  by  clambering  over  a 
stage,  but  to  escort  him  to  the  royal  house,  as  they  had  been 
commanded  by  the  queen-mother  (530).  The  length  of  the 
kommos  (1036-76),  during  which  all  are  leaving  the  scene 
together,  is  another  indication  that  they  are  passing  out  through 
the  parodos,  and  not  by  the  shorter  way,  *  over  a  stage.* 

^  Teuffel-Wecklein,  Perser,  S.  50,  attempt  to  explain  hxVfJ-o-  as  *  Thronsessel,' 
but  this  is  simply  an  effort  to  show  how  the  queen  entered  from  a  palace  in  the 
background. 


>         < 


/ 


J- 


30 

It  is  true  that  no  underground  passage  has  been  as  yet  found  in 
the  theatre  at  Athens,  but  the  existence  of  such  passages  in  Eretria, 
Sikyon  and  elsewhere  produces  not  a  demonstration  but  a  con- 
viction that  the  ghost  of  Dareios  appeared  by  means  of  some  such 
passage,  that  he  appeared  in  the  orchestra,  not  on  a  'stage/ 

The  Persians  is  certainly  a  step  higher  in  development  than  the 
Suppliants.  The  tomb  of  Dareios  is  of  more  importance  than  the 
lcolvo^a)/ita,  and  the  interest  centres  in  the  actors,  not  in  the  chorus. 
But  the  idea  of  a  scenic  background  is  not  yet  present. 

Septem. 

The  scene  is  on  the  Kadmeia  in  Thebes  (aKpoTroXti/,  240),  and 
perhaps  in  an  agora ;  for  Eteokles,  at  the  opening  of  the  play,  is 
addressing  an  assembly  of  the  citizens.  KaS/xov  TroXIrat  (i),  opfiaaBe 
7rdpr(s  (31),  and  the  exhortation  for  young  and  old  alike  (10  ff.)  to 
succor  the  city,  unite  to  prove  that  numbers  were  present  in  this 
assembly.  Being  mutes,  their  place  is  with  the  actors,  but  their 
numbers  are  apparently  too  great  for  any  possible  stage.  The 
bodies  of  the  two  brothers  are  brought  in  at  861.  From  960  on 
Antigone  and  Ismene  are  present  with  them.  The  chorus  in 
antistrophic  strains  (874  ff.)  lament  the  fate  of  the  dead.  ai8ap6- 
ttUktoi  fih  2)5'  ^xov(Ti  (911)  shows  that  the  body  lies  immediately 
before  the  semichorus.  At  1068  rjfMus  ptp  lfi€v  kol  awddyf^onev  \  aide 
nponoiMnoi  says  the  one  semichorus  as  it,  with  Antigone,  follows  the 
body  of  Polynikes  through  one  parodos.  fjfius  afxa  rad'  respond 
the  others  as  they,  together  with  Ismene,  accompany  the  funeral 
procession  of  Eteokles.  Here  not  only  are  the  numbers  too  great 
for  the  supposed  'stage,'  but  there  is  the  distinct  statement  that 
all  are  together  on  one  level,  which  could  only  be  that  of  the 

orchestra. 

Many  images  are  mentioned.  Ares  (105,  135),  Zeus  (116), 
Apollo  (145,  159),  Artemis  (149  f),  Hera  (152).  The  chorus  not 
only  appeal  to  them  in  these  passages,  but  prostrate  themselves 
before  them  (95  ^peTtj').  They  rush  in  haste  to  them  (211  npodponos 
?i\3ou).  The  choreutae  are  clinging  to  these  figures  (258),  and 
only  come  forth  from  among  them  (265  €kt6s  ova  dyaXpdrav)  in 
response  to  repeated  commands  of  the  king.  But  neither  here 
nor  elsewhere  in  the  play  does  anything  suggest  an  ascent  to  a 
stage  or  descent  therefrom.  Yet  Eteokles  offers  prayer  to  these 
same  tutelary  deities  (69  f.).  In  these  devotions  he  could  not 
neglect  the  images,  nor  can  we  conceive  that  he  prayed  from  the 


( 


^ 


0 


C 


f-\       --«< 


. 


31 

top  of  a*  stage'  to  the  images  down  in  the  orchestra.  On  the 
other  hand,  there  is  no  room  for  these  agalmata  on  a  stage. 
These  difficulties  disappear  when  we  grant  that  all— actors,  chorus 
and  mutes — are  moving  and  performing  their  several  functions  on 
the  acropolis  of  Thebes,  from  which  the  chorus  (81,  89,  115,  117) 
— not  because  they  have  climbed  the  little  elevation  of  a  '  stage,' 
but  because  of  the  height  of  the  citadel  itself— watch  the  action 
going  on  without  the  walls. 

Prometheus, 

The  final  catastrophe  in  which  actor  and  chorus  are  swallowed 
up  together  could  only  take  place  if  the  cliff  to  which  the  Titan 
was  chained  was  of  considerable  height  and  extent.  Otherwise 
there  would  not  be  room  beneath  for  the  reception  of  so  great  a 
number  of  persons.  In  the  Prometheus,  then,  we  have  the  first 
example  of  extensive  construction  to  aid  in  the  presentation  of  a 
play,  the  first  of  the  npoaK^via  which  Aischylos  is  said  to  have 
invented.  For  the  tomb  and  altars  used  in  the  previous  plays 
could  hardly  be  called  by  that  name.  As  has  been  shown  in 
Part  I  of  this  paper,  the  stage-buildings  of  the  V  century  were 
entirely  of  wood.  The  mistake  which  has  been  made  in  the  past 
has  been  in  the  assumption  that  the  theatre-carpenter  first  built  a 
lofty  narrow  platform  and  then  proceeded  to  erect  his  scenery 
upon  this.  But  such  a  construction  for  the  Prometheus  is  an 
absurdity.  On  the  narrow  platform  of  the  so-called  stage  there 
would  be  no  room  for  the  representation  of  the  craggy  mountain- 
side to  which  the  Titan  is  bound,  much  less  for  the  immense  trap- 
door (?)  through  which  chorus  and  actor  finally  disappear.  It  was 
not  on  the  (later)  proskenion,  but  instead  of  it,  that  the  scenery 
was  constructed.  It  is  quite  possible  that  the  sudden  and 
complete  disappearance  of  all  the  occupants  of  the  scene  finds 
its  explanation  in  the  peculiar  position  of  the  ancient  orchestra  at 
Athens.  As  explained  in  Part  I,  the  earth  outside  of  this  orchestra 
to  the  south  was  five  or  six  feet  at  least  lower  than  the  level  of 
the  orchestra.  Under  these  circumstances  such  a  disappearance 
could  be  easily  managed. 

For  more  than  150  verses  after  they  appear  (127-282)  the 
chorus  remain  in  their  winged  chariot.  This  chariot,  with  its 
burden  of  12  choreutae,  could  not  have  moved  into  view  through 
the  air.  The  weight  was  too  great.  Vs.  143  ff.  show  that  they 
are  near  the  Titan  when  they  enter.     The  idea  that  at  282  they 


> 


V 


/ 


32 

leave  their  chariot  and  descend  from  a  stage  into  an  orchestra, 
having  no  connection  with  the  real  scene  of  the  action,  finds  no 
support  whatever  in  the  text.  Next  to  the  hero  himself,  the 
chorus  is  the  important  element  of  the  play.  Their  conversation 
with  him  is,  as  it  were,  only  interrupted  by  the  visits  of  Okeanos 
and  lo.  They  remain  constant  to  him  and  finally  suffer  with  him. 
Where  they  are  is  always  considered  a  part  of  the  scene  of  action. 
The  words  of  Hermes  (1058  ff.)  show  that  they  are  then  near 
Prometheus,  and  the  whole  play  demands  that  there  be  no 
artificial  barrier  like  a  stage  between  them  and  the  sufferer. 

Certain  common  characteristics  of  these  first  four  plays  we  shall 
find  neither  in  the  later  dramas  of  Aischylos  nor  in  those  of  the 
other  dramatists. 

1.  Although  a  (tktjvtI,  a  building  of  some  sort  to  which  the  actors 
could  retire  for  the  changes  of  masks  and  of  costumes,  was  neces- 
sarily present,  it  is  only  in  the  Prometheus  that  a  special  structure 
to  represent  a  scene  is  demanded. 

2.  So  far  as  can  be  learned  from  the  plays  themselves,  the  side 
entrances,  the  parodoi,  alone  were  used. 

3.  The  chorus  has  an  importance  either  greater  than  or  equal 
to  that  of  the  actors. 

As  Mr.  Verrall  says  (Class.  Rev.  1890,  p.  225):  "The  drama 
of  Aeschylos  is  really  a  choric  drama.  If  we  except  the  Prome- 
theus, a  work  sui  generis  and  not  really  com  passable  by  any  stage 
high  or  low,  all  Aeschylos's  remaining  plays  are  of  the  choric 
kind.  Speakers,  singers  and  mutes  are  all  indissolubly  connected 
and  equally  essential  to  the  action.  So  that  to  subtract  the 
.singers  and  separate  them  in  any  way  from  the  whole  body  would 
be  as  improbable  and  contradictory  to  the  nature  of  the  act  as  to 
put  a  barrier  between  the  actors  of  a  dialogue." 

II.  The  Aischylos-Sophokles  Period. 
A.  Aischylos, — Agamemnon. 
The  scene  is  before  the  palace  of  the  Atreidai :  uriyais  ^Arptidapj 

3;  *ATp(ida>v  aT(yos,  310;  fifXaBpa  ^ao-iXeW,  5^8;  h  fi(\a6pa  Koi  fio/noi;?, 
851;  eV  dSifi,  911;  fS  dofiap  fifXadpa,  957)  €i(ra)  KOfil^ov  Koi  av,  IO35  ; 
irpos  TTju  'ATp€i8ci>if,  1088 ;  ev  fid/xoto-i,  II02  ;   dafxaaip,  II9I  )   dofxoiSy  I217  ; 

dofxoi,  1309;  Trpoff  8a>fjLa,  1 349;  dafidroyp,  1 673.  These  passages  are 
cited  not  to  prove  what  all  the  world  knows,  but  to  call  attention 
to  the  marked  contrast  between  the  scenic  accessories  used  in  the 


1** 


33 

Agamemnon  and  those  employed — if  we  base  our  judgment  on 
the  text — in  the  four  earlier  plays. 

Commentators  may  be  in  doubt  as  to  whether  Pelasgos  rides 
into  the  orchestra  in  the  Suppliants,  but  there  is  no  doubt  that 
Agamemnon  and  Kassandra  come  on  the  scene  in  the  Agamemnon 
(782)  in  a  chariot.  Not  only  was  this  act  of  itself  impossible  on  a 
Greek  'stage,'  but,  granting  that  the  chariot  itself  could  appear  on 
this  narrow  platform,  no  space  would  remain  for  the  spreading  of 
the  carpet  (909),  for  the  maid-servants  (908),  for  Klytaimnestra, 
and  for  the  train  of  menials  who  must  have  followed  the  king. 
The  conqueror  of  Troy  would  not  arrive  before  his  palace 
unattended.  In  spite  of  the  repeated  invitations  of  Klytaim- 
nestra (1039  ff.)  and  exhortations  of  the  chorus  (1054),  the 
prophetess  remains  seated  in  the  chariot  till  v.  1290  (lova-a 
Kdya>).  Then  she  ranges  free  through  the  orchestra  (1298).  She 
approaches  the  door  (1306).  She  essays  again  and  again  to 
enter,  while  the  chorus  gather  about  her  in  wondering  pity  (1321). 
Finally  she  rushes  within  to  meet  her  doom  (1330).  Nothing  in 
the  play  indicates  that  she  must  ascend  to  a  'stage.'  During  500 
lines  (782-1290)  the  chariot  and  the  captive  Kassandra  seated 
within  is  the  middle  point  of  the  action.  To  this  chariot  must 
Klytaimnestra  come,  both  when  she  welcomes  her  husband  and 
when  she  invites  the  Trojan  maiden  to  enter  the  palace.  If  stairs 
were  present,  the  mutes  and  the  actors,  encumbered  by  their 
tragic  costume,  must  have  repeatedly  passed  over  them.  Then 
it  would  have  been  easy  for  the  chorus,  unencumbered  by  such 
dress,  to  have  ascended  them  in  the  death  scene  (1342  ff.),  in 
order  to  enter  the  palace,  had  it  not  been  that  the  fate  of  Aga- 
memnon was  foreordained,  and  that  the  exigencies  of  the  play 
required  them  to  remain  without,  that  Klytaimnestra  might 
address  them  in  the  presence  of  the  spectators. 

In  16 1 5  f.  the  chorus  threatens  that  Aigisthos  shall  be  stoned. 
Later  (1650)  he  calls  upon  his  companions  to  be  ready,  and  the 
chorus  draw  their  swords  and  rush  forward  (1651  ela  Bq,  |t0oy 
TTpoKtoTTop  nds  Tis  (vTpemC^To)).  These  are  not  the  words  of  men  who 
must  climb  a  narrow  flight  of  steps  to  come  at  their  enemy. 
Aigisthos  retires  to  the  house  at  the  close  of  the  play,  but  there 
is  no  indication  again  that  he  must  ascend  in  order  to  do  this. 
A  stage  was  then  not  only  not  necessary,  but  would  have  been  a 
decided  hindrance  to  the  entire  action  of  the  play,  while  the 
greater  portion  of  the  play  must  in  any  event  have  been  repre- 
sented in  the  orchestra. 


> 


V 


/"" 


I 


34 


Choephoroe, 

Two  objects  are  mentioned  as  being  before  the  eyes  of  the 
spectators — the  tomb  of  Agamemnon  and  the  royal  palace.  The 
latter  is  first  mentioned  v.  13,  and  the  chorus  inform  us  that  they 
are  come  forth  from  it  (22  f.)  as  an  escort  to  the  drink-offering. 
The  tomb  being  the  central  point  of  the  action  for  the  next  400 
lines,  the  palace  is  not  again  referred  to  till  553.  From  this  line 
to  the  end  of  the  play  the  action  is  either  in  or  immediately  before 
this  building  (cf.  561,  652,  669,  712,  732,  849,  878,  885).  The 
testimony  concerning  the  sepulchre  is  equally  emphatic.  Orestes 
is  at  the  tomb  v.  4 ;  Elektra  pours  libations  on  it,  vs.  129  and  149. 
The  lock  of  hair  is  found  upon  it  (168).  It  is  also  referred  to  as 
present  in  106,  355  f.,  501,  511.  Finally,  after  Klytaimnestra  has 
conducted  Orestes  and  Py lades  within  the  house,  722  f  w  Trdma 

\Qi^v  Koi  noTVi  aKTri  \  ;^a)/iaTos,  t)  vvv  inX  vavapxjo^  \  (Toofiari  Kclam  rw  ^adtXeio), 

in  connection  with  BofioKri  (13)  and  (k  So/xaji/  (22)  proves  conclusively 
that  there  has  been  no  change  of  scene,  but  that  sepulchre  and 
palace  have  both  been  present  throughout  the  play. 

But  dwelling  and  tomb  cannot  both  exist  at  the  same  time  in 
the  background  directly  in  front  of  the  aKrjvrj.  The  sepulchre 
could  not  be  located  close  by  the  door  of  the  palace,  and  Orestes 
(16  f.)  sees  the  procession  coming,  yet  has  time  to  withdraw  before 
the  maidens  perceive  him.  Furthermore,  the  narrow  stage 
afforded  no  room  for  an  object  so  large  as  the  passages  already 
cited  prove  this  sepulchre  to  have  been.  The  tomb  was  then  in 
the  orchestra. 

This  tallies  exactly  with  what  we  learn  of  the  position  of  actors 
and  chorus.  The  choreutae  enter  with  Elektra  (16  f),  they  are 
her  associates  (86),  sharers  in  the  ceremonies  (100).  She  prays 
for  them  as  well  as  for  herself  (112).  They  move  about  her 
chanting  the  dirge  as  she  pours  the  libation  (152  f.)  Therefore, 
for  the  first  584  vs. — more  than  half  the  play — actors  and  chorus 
are  together  in  the  orchestra.  The  chorus  decide  not  to  enter  the 
palace  in  the  death  scene  (870  ff.),  and  they  have  the  same  excel- 
lent reason  here  as  in  the  Agamemnon.  The  play  must  go  on 
before  the  eyes  of  the  spectators.  Later  Orestes  says,  as  he 
shows  the  murderous  net  in  which  his  father  had  been  entangled  : 

(KTeivar    avro   <at   KVK\<a  TrapaaraBov  \  ariyaarpov  avhpoi  b^i^aS    (9"3  *')* 

He  is  plainly  talking  to  the  choreutae,  and  if  they  are  not  actually 
holding  the  garment,  they  are  at  least  near  the  group.  KVKKto 
certainly  implies  that  they  are  not  separated  from  the  actors  by  a 


'^  .f! 


\      ^ 


J 


35 

*  stage.'  In  the  Choephoroe,  then,  actors  and  chorus  are  on  the 
same  level  throughout,  and  a  stage  is  impossible. 

It  is  worth  noting  that  in  (878)  yvpaiKeiovs  nvXas  we  have  probably 
the  first  allusion  to  a  second  door  in  the  proskenion.  The  servant 
has  just  come  out  of  one  door  as  he  goes  to  open  that  leading  to 
the  women's  apartments. 

Eumenides, 

In  the  opening  scene  the  proskenion  represents  the  temple  of 
Apollo  at  Delphoi,  and  the  orchestra  appears  as  the  open  court 
before  it.  The  priestess  entering  offers  prayer  to  Taia  and  Gf'/iij 
(2),  Tiravls — ^oL^r^  (6,  7).  Certainly  goddesses  who  earlier  were 
held  in  highest  honor  here  would  possess  at  least  altars  within  the 
sacred  precincts.  At  these  the  priestess  does  homage,  and  they 
could  hardly  have  been  crowded  together  on  a  narrow  *  stage ' 
close  in  front  of  the  temple. 

The  chorus  have  just  ended  their  ode  (142-177)  in  the  orchestra 

when  the  god   gives  his  command  (179)  e^w,  KcXevw,  ravhe  dapdrap. 

These  words,  then,  refer  to  the  sacred  precinct — temple  and  court, 
i.  e.  orchestra — as  a  whole. 

That,  as  the  schol.  in  loc.  informs  us,  the  sleeping  Furies,  Apollo, 
Hermes  and  Orestes,  are  all  brought  into  view  on  the  ekkyklema 
(64)  is  beyond  belief.  No  door  in  Greek  or  Roman  theatre  has 
ever  been  found  capable  of  giving  passage  to  a  platform  of  such 
size.  The  words  of  Apollo  (68),  vnva  Treo-oCo-at  kt\.,  are  unnecessary 
if  the  sleepers  were  before  the  eyes  of  the  spectators.  It  is  accord- 
ingly not  till  140  that,  finally  aroused  by  the  reproaches  of  Kly- 
taimnestra, they  come  rushing  forth.  But  the  first  strophe  begins 
with  143.  There  is  no  time  to  descend  a  flight  of  steps  between 
140  and  143,  and  surely  the  choreutae  are  not  descending  stairs 
as  they  sing  this  ode. 

It  is  of  no  great  weight,  but  it  is  nevertheless  natural  to  expect 
that  the  pursued  Orestes  and  the  pursuing  Furies  should  leave  the 
theatre  by  the  same  exit,  the  left  parodos. 

If  there  had  been  a  stage,  the  Furies,  when  they  reenter  (244), 
searching  for  their  victim  (245  f.),  would  naturally  look  for  Orestes, 
an  actor,  upon  it ;  but  where  they  find  him  clinging  to  the  image, 
there  the  trial  is  conducted,  and  there  all  the  participants  in  this 
magnificent  scene  have  their  places.  Accusers,  accused,  defenders 
and  judges  can  hardly  be  separated — a  portion  on  a  lofty  platform 
and  the  rest  deep  down  in  the  orchestra.  That  the  altar  and 
image  of  the  goddess,  with  the  numerous  company  of  actors. 


^ 


36 

mutes  and  chorus,  could  find  no  sufficient  room  on  the  'stage*  is 
self-evident.  Whether  Athena  appears  (404)  moving  through 
the  air  is  of  no  importance  so  far  as  the  stage- question  is 
concerned,  but,  after  judgment  has  been  rendered,  the  goddess 
declares  that  she  herself  will  head  the  procession  which  is  to  lead 
the  Furies  to  their  new  abode  (1003  f.).  She  invites  the  chorus 
to  follow  (1006),  and  bids  the  Areopagites  accompany  them. 
Attendants  bear  the  torches  (1005)  and  chant  the  closing  ode 
(1032  ff.)  as  all  move  from  the  theatre  together  in  splendid 
procession — affording  splendid  proof  that  the  entire  scene  has 
been  given  on  the  broad  level  of  the  orchestra. 

B.  Sophokles, — Aiax, 

Since  in  the  V  century  the  proskenion  was  a  temporary  struc- 
ture, alterable  to  meet  the  requirements  of  each  play,  it  is  reason- 
able to  suppose  that  the  hut  of  Aias  was  made  with  some  attempt 
to  portray  a  real  structure  of  this  kind.  It  could  not  occupy  the 
entire  space  (e.  g.  24  m.  at  Epidauros)  between  the  paraskenia ; 
nor  could  it,  from  lack  of  room,  be  built  forward  on  the  'stage.* 
Then,  too,  the  invitation  to  the  chorus  to  enter  the  tent  (329 
ttVeX^oVreff)  is  not  an  invitation  to  ascend  to  a  stage.  Nor  can  we 
assume,  with  Miiller  (B.-A.,  S.  127),  that  they  do  not  enter 
because  of  the  difficulty  of  climbing  the  steps.  The  scholiast  (in 
130)  gives  the  correct  explanation :  iiriihr}  be  aronov  top  xorop  dnoXt- 

miv  TTjv  (TKrjpriv  dva^oa   €pbo6iv  6  Amy  Ipa  fifiprj  eVt   x^P^^  ^  X°P^^'      Here 

aKr)v{]p  means  simply  the  'scene'  of  the  action.  Tekmessa  opens 
the  hut  (344,  346),  saying  that  the  chorus  can  now  see  the  hero 
(346),  which  statement  Aias  repeats  (364).  But  the  hero  is  lying 
on  the  floor  of  the  hut  (427).  From  the  orchestra  it  would  be 
impossible  for  the  chorus  to  see  him  over  the  edge  of  a  stage 
more  than  five  feet  high.  Again,  the  choreutae  must  be  near 
enough  to  make  the  request  of  Aias  (361),  that  they  slay  him, 
appear  reasonable. 

Aias  is  an  actor,  therefore  his  place  is  on  the  'stage,*  if  one 
existed.  If  the  semichoruses  are  not  entirely  lacking  in  sense 
they  will  look  for  him  there  when  they  enter  in  the  '  search  scene.* 
Though  they  are  on  the  scene  25  vs.  before  the  body  is  found, 
Tekmessa  is  the  one  to  discover  it.  The  length  of  the  search 
implies  that  considerable  space  was  examined.  This  space  existed 
only  in  the  orchestra.  A  glance  would  have  sufficed  for  the 
examination  of  the  so-called  'stage.*    tto  Kelrat  (911  £)  asks  the 


m 


i 


3; 

chorus ;  ovtoi  dearos  is  the  reply,  showing  that  the  body  was  visible 
to  them,  as  it  could  hardly  have  been  if  on  a  stage,  while  they 
were  in  the  orchestra  below. 

Teuker  bids  the  choreutae  (1182)  protect  the  child  of  Aias,  and 
in  the  closing  scene  he  bids  some  to  hollow  out  a  grave  (1403  f.), 
others  to  put  the  tripod  on  the  fire  (1405).  Let  one  troop  bring 
forth  the  arms  (1407  f.)  of  the  hero.  Finally,  let  every  one 
(14 1 3  f.)  who  says  he  is  a  friend  of  Aias  hurry  and  go  toiling  for 
him.  No  one  has  a  better  right  to  be  included  in  these  commands 
than  the  chorus.  Since  all  have  been  together  in  the  orchestra, 
so  all  depart  in  solemn  march  through  the  parodos. 

Anft^'one. 

The  scene  is  before  the  palace  of  Kreon  (386,  526,  1181,  1248, 
1293).  Apparently  but  one  entrance  to  this  is  used  (i,  99,  162, 
526,  578, 626  (?),  804, 1 182, 1243, 1276, 1292, 1346).  One  entrance 
on  the  right  is  necessary  (99,  987,  1090,  1353),  and  one  on  the 
left^  (99,  222,  331,  444,  765,  943,  1 1 14,  1261). 

Vs.  160  ff.  inform  us  that  the  chorus  is  assembled  in  its  capacity 
of  council  to  the  king,  and  that  Kreon  addresses  them  as  such. 
Naturally,  the  king  joins  his  councillors,  and  is  not  perched  on  a 
'  stage '  high  above  them.  The  chorus  is  also  frequently  addressed 
and  brought  intimately  into  the  action  of  the  play  by  Antigone 
(940),  by  Teiresias  988.  The  prophet  addresses  Kreon  and  the 
chorus  as  members  of  one  body,  of  which  Kreon  is  the  one  who 
replies.  The  messenger  (cf.  Schol.  in  1155)  and  Eurydike  (1183) 
direct  their  conversation  to  the  choreutae.  This  method  of  treat- 
ing the  chorus  is  natural  only  on  the  supposition  that  actors  and 
chorus  are  together  on  one  level  in  the  open  court  before  the 
palace  of  the  king. 

Elecira, 

The  palace  of  the  Pelopidai  is  again  in  the  background  (10,  40, 
69,  324,  661,  802,  818,  929,  1 106) ;  but  the  tomb  of  Agamemnon 
is  not  visible  (51  ff.,  404  ff.,  871  ff ,  893).  An  altar  to  Apollo  is 
placed  before  the  dwelling  (634  f.,  1376  f.).  'Ayopa  Au^ceioy  (7)  and 
*Hpaf  vaas  (8),  particularly  the  latter,  could  not  have  been  actually 
on  the  scene,  for  the  proskenion  represented  the  palace.  They 
might  have  been  represented  on  the  paraskenia,  however,  and 
possibly  we  have  here  the  first  clear  indication  of  that  (r*cj?i/oypa<^ia 
the  invention  of  which  Aristotle  (Poet.,  c.  4)  ascribes  to  Sophokles. 

^  Right  and  left  from  the  standpoint  of  the  spectator. 


> 


1  " 


38 

The  pedagogue,  entering  v.  659,  though  Klytaimnestra  has 
just  finished  speaking,  first  addresses  the  chorus.  So  Orestes 
(1098)  salutes  them,  2)  ywalKftj  and  seems  unconscious  of  the 
presence  of  Elektra,  as  one  apart  from  the  rest  of  the  number,  till 
the  chorus  call  his  attention  to  the  fact.  Had  these  two  actors 
come  in  on  a  stage  whose  only  occupant  in  each  case  was  another 
actor,  it  would  have  been  a  peculiar  thing  for  them  to  turn 
from  this  actor  to  address  the  chorus  in  the  orchestra  below  and 
at  some  distance  from  them.  An  examination  of  the  plan  of  the 
theatre  of  Dionysos  in  Part  I  will  show  that  when  an  actor  entered 
the  orchestra  through  the  parodos,  he  would  first  see,  and  there- 
fore naturally  first  address,  the  choreutae  near  the  centre  of  the 
orchestra,  rather  than  the  actors  nearer  the  proskenion. 

From  120  to  324  Elektra  and  the  chorus  are  engaged  in  intimate 
conversation  (cf.  130,  229).  There  is  no  more  reason  for  sepa- 
rating them  than  for  keeping  apart  any  two  actors  under  similar 
circumstances.  From  804-870  chorus  and  actor  are  again  alone, 
and  Elektra  is  lying  by  the  door  of  the  palace.     827  El.  e  e,  ala7.  \ 

Cho.  2)  iratf  rl  daKpveis  ',  |  El.  (fi€v.  \  Ch.  firfdfv  fxe'y  dvaDs.  \  El.  dnoXels. 
Ch.  nS>s  ',  j  El.  «   tS>v  (fiavepcos   oi)(Ofi(va>v   els    Aidav   iXrrlb     vnoia€is,   kut 

ifiov  TOKOfxevas  fiaWov  fVe/x^ao-ct.  It  is  surely  but  reasonable  to  say 
that  the  choreutae  are  near  the  one  whom  they  are  seeking  to 
comfort.  There  is  no  word  of  their  ascending  to  reach  her,  but 
in  her  recumbent  position  on  a  stage  she  would  not  even  be  visible 
to  her  friends  in  the  orchestra. 

Oedipus  Rex, 

The  royal  palace  of  Thebes  is  in  the  background  (632,  927, 
1294,  etc.),  before  which  are  altars  (2,  16,  919).  It  would  not, 
indeed,  have  been  impossible  to  arrange  these  altars  and  the 
crowd  of  suppliants^  sitting  at  them  as  Oidipous  enters,  v.  i,  on  the 
so-called  Greek  stage ;  but,  in  that  event,  there  could  be  but  little 
room  for  any  one  or  anything  else  there.  The  priest  is  an  actor, 
the  other  suppliants  are  mutes,  therefore  they  are  on  the  same 
level  as  the  other  actors.  All  prostrate  themselves  before  the 
king  (40  f.),  and  the  priest  assumes  that  all  are  with  himself  (147 
iOTw/zc^a).  Yet  the  crowd  is  at  a  little  distance  from  the  two  actors, 
and  have  a  clearer  view  of  the  side  entrances.  For  the  suppliants 
inform  the  priest  that  Kreon  is  approaching  (78  ff.).     The  new- 

'  16  ff.  ot  fiEV  nv6eTTu  fiaKpav  \  irriadat  aOevdvTeg,  ol  Si  avv  y^pg^  ^apeig  |  iep^c, 


r 


T 


39 

comer  is  still  at  a  little  distance,  for  two  speeches  are  delivered 
before  he  is  within  speaking  distance  (85).  The  scene  is  entirely 
clear  only  on  the  assumption  that  the  suppliants  at  the  altars 
nearer  the  middle  of  the  orchestra  command  a  better  view  of  the 
actor  entering  through  the  parodos  than  do  the  actors  who  are 
nearer  the  proskenion.  It  may  be  urged  that  the  actor  could  be 
imagined  as  visible  while  still  standing  in  the  paraskenia,  but  this 
would  not  at  all  explain  those  scenes  where  the  chorus  in  the 
orchestra  first  see  and  annoyance  the  coming  of  an  actor  through 
the  side  entrances.  The  chorus  in  such  a  case  could  not  be 
expected  even  to  imagine  seeing  an  actor  about  to  enter  on  a 
'stage.' 

Nothing  in  the  play  requires  the  chorus  to  ascend  to  a  stage, 
yet  are  they  on  the  same  level  with  the  actors.  They  first  see 
Teiresias  (297  f.),  and  they  prostrate  themselves  before  the  king 
(326  f.).  For  all  the  MSS  except  L  assign  these  words  to  the 
chorus,  and  Oidipous  would  hardly  kneel  to  the  prophet,  nor  could 
he  say  rravrfs  (T€  TTpoa-Kvvovfiev  old'  iKTrjpioi.  Furthermore,  lokasta 
brings  the  chorus  intimately  into  the  action  (648) ;  the  messenger 
addresses  the  chorus,  not  lokasta  (924) ;  Oidipous  questions  the 
choreutae  whether  any  of  them  know  the  herdsman  (1047,  ms  Q- 
He  appeals  to  the  choreutae  to  lead  him  away  (1339),  to  deign  to 
touch  him  (141 3).  These  passages  imply  unobstructed  intercourse 
between  actors  and  chorus. 

Had  the  newly-blinded  king  come  forth  on  the  so-called  stage 
(1307),  one  must  surely  have  trembled  lest  he  walk  over  its  edge 
and  fall  into  the  orchestra. 

Trachiniae, 

The  scene  of  the  action  is  before  the  palace  of  Herakles  (203, 
329,  531,  900). 

The  chorus  first  appear  to  bid  Deianeira  hope  (138).  Later 
she  comes  forth  in  secret  (531  ff".)  to  explain  to  them  her  fears 
and  her  plans,  and  to  show  to  them  the  garment  she  has  prepared 
(580).  They  are  undoubtedly  in  a  position  to  see  this  in  its 
hollow  chest  (692).  Although  the  herald  is  already  without  the 
palace  (594  ff".),  Deianeira  bids  the  choreutae  keep  her  secret,  and 
adds  a  moral  reflection  for  their  edification.  The  eternal  fitness 
of  things  would  certainly  seem  to  be  violated  if  she  were  confiden- 
tially shouting  her  woes  from  a  'stage'  to  the  chorus  at  some 
distance  from  her,  below  in  the  orchestra,  with  Lichas,  from  whom 


>      i 


V 


i 


40 

these  things  are  to  be  kept  hidden,  standing  a  few  feet  from  her, 
at  the  door  of  the  palace.  This  scene  is  also  clear  when  we 
understand  that  the  wife  of  Herakles  is  with  her  friends,  the 
choreutae,  in  the  orchestra,  while  the  herald  is  at  a  little  distance 
when  he  comes  from  the  palace  door.  Directly  to  the  chorus 
does  the  hero's  wife  come  again  (663),  when  she  discovers  the 

» 

evil  she  has  wrought. 

Herakles  is  brought  in  where  the  chorus  can  see  him  lying  on 
his  couch  (964  ff.).  This  they  could  do  with  difficulty  were  he 
on  a  stage.  His  bearers,  attendants,  and  the  friends  who  would 
naturally  accompany  him,  the  procession  with  which  the  play 
closes  and  of  which  the  chorus  probably  form  a  part,— all  tend  to 
prove  that  the  action  is  going  on  on  the  broad  level  of  the  orchestra. 

Philocietes. 

Neoptolemos,  a  mute  (45),  the  chorus  (92  7j,i5ff  roo-ouo-de,  126 
aoK^f),  and  Odysseus  enter  together.  Following  the  directions  of 
Odysseus  (15),  Neoptolemos  begins  the  search  for  the  cave  on  the 
hillside  (20  f.).  He  finds  it  above  them  (29),  mounts  to  it  and 
describes  its  contents  (33  if.).  He  invites  the  chorus  to  draw 
near  (145,  cf.  Schol.  in  loc.)  and  see  the  cave.  Surprised  at  the 
miserable  quarters,  they  question  if  it  really  is  the  hero's  dwelling. 
Neoptolemos'  reply  (159)  assures  them  that  it  is,  and  calls  their 
attention  to  his  previous  description. 

The  impossibility  of  setting  this  play  on  the  so-called  'stage' 
has  been  shown  in  Part  I.  For  this  is  a  hillside,  on  which  actors 
and  chorus  can  move  easily  without  danger  of  slipping  and  drop- 
ping over  the  edge  of  a  12-foot  stage.  The  proskenion  is  then 
neither  that  found  in  the  theatre  at  Epidauros,  nor  that  which 
represented  the  palace  in  the  Agamemnon,  but  is  one  representing 
a  rocky  hillside  sloping  down  to  the  level  of  the  orchestra.  On 
the  slope  was  the  cavern,  to  which  led  a  path,  and  a  spring  was 

near  (21). 

Philoktetes  addresses  Neoptolemos  and  the  chorus  together 
(219),  and  only  learns  which  is  the  leader  from  Neoptolemos'  reply 
(232).  V.  581  refers  to  the  chorus  as  of  one  party  with  the  actors, 
an  idea  which  is  strengthened  by  the  ^aaii>\itv  of  825.  In  861  the 
chorus  can  observe  the  sick  man  closely.  Later  on  (887)  Neoptol- 
emos proposes  that  the  choreutae  bear  the  lame  man  to  the  ship, 
and  Odysseus  threatens  that  they  shall  bear  him  away  by  force  (983). 
In  his  reply  to  this  last  Philoktetes  alludes  to  the  chorus  as  near  him 


) '  r 


41 

(984).  He  threatens  to  throw  himself  down  from  the  rocks  (1002), 
but  he  is  seized  and  held  by  members  of  the  chorus,  all  of  whom 
are  present  for  the  express  purpose  of  rendering  the  necessary 
assistance.  Xiop&fiev  drj  Travres  doXXus  (1469,  cf.  doXXuf,  Trach.  513) 
makes  us  to  understand  clearly  that  chorus  and  actors  go  off  the 
scene  through  the  parodos  together  at  the  end  of  the  play. 

Oedipus  Coioneus. 

The  spot  is  full  of  the  bay,  the  olive  and  the  vine,  and  nightin- 
gales are  singing  within  the  grove  (17  ff ).  Real  trees  were  an 
impossibility,  therefore  the  painted  scenery  must  have  been 
elaborate.  The  precinct  of  the  Eumenides  is  a  grove  (98,  126), 
into  which  Antigone  guides  her  father  (114).  When  the  chorus 
see  him  (138)  they  caution  him  not  to  remain  (156)  in  the  silent 
grove.  A  long  distance  separates  them  from  him  (163).  They 
invite  him  to  come  forth  ;  when  he  advances  (178)  they  urge  him 
to  come  farther  (178),  and  then  direct  Antigone  to  lead  him  still 
farther  (i8o).  She  encourages  Oidipous  to  follow  with  confidence. 
The  advancing  pictured  in  all  these  passages  could  not  refer  to 
crossing  a  stage  8  ft.  wide.  When  the  Colonean  goes  (80)  to 
summon  the  chorus  of  his  fellow-citizens,  we  look  for  the  latter  to 
enter  by  the  same  passage  through  which  he  departed.  They  do 
this,  for  they  declare  that  they  will  search  for  the  intruder  through 
the  sacred  temenos  (136).  In  other  words,  in  searching  for  an 
actor  they  search  where  actors  are  accustomed  to  be.  There  is 
no  indication  of  a  barrier  between  the  orchestra  proper  and  the 
grove,  excepting  that  wall  of  the  precinct  on  which  the  blind  king 
sits  (192).  Reasoning  from  analogy  with  other  passages  in  which 
chariots  and  animals  are  mentioned,  we  may  assume  that  Ismene 
rides  into  the  orchestra  on  her  Aetnaean  steed  (312)  ;  but  nothing 
shows  that  she  ascends  to  come  to  her  father. 

Theseus  appoints  the  chorus  as  a  guard  to  Oidipous  (638,  cf. 
Schol.  in  loc).  He  appeals  to  them  (724).  They  are  near  (803, 
cf.  Schol.),  so  that  Kreon  cannot  seize  him  against  their  will 
(815,  cf.  Schol.).  When  Kreon  gives  command  to  drag  Antigone 
away,  the  choreutae  first  threaten  (835)  ;  then,  though  he  forbids 
them  to  touch  him  (856),  they  seize  and  hold  him  (857).  From 
638  to  857  actors  and  chorus  have  plainly  been  together.  To 
these  come  Theseus  (885)  with  followers  (893).  It  is  certainly 
not  too  much  to  say  that,  as  in  Philoktetes,  the  scenery  could  not 
have  been  placed  on  a  J^tage,  and,  further,  that  no  Greek  'stage' 
could  have  contained  the  numbers  present  in  the  scene  just 


> 


/ 


42 

described,  particularly  in  the  lively  action  in  which  they  were 
engaged. 

In  the  plays  of  this  second  period  there  is  a  clearness  of  state- 
ment, with  reference  to  place  of  the  action  and  to  the  details  of 
the  scenery,  which  was  lacking  in  the  first  four  dramas  of  Aischylos. 
In  seven  of  the  plays  just  considered  a  building  is  in  the  back- 
ground, a  palace  in  the  Agamemnon,  the  Choephoroe,  Electra, 
Antigone,  the  Trachiniae,  and  Oedipus  Rex,  and  a  temple  in  the 
Eumenides.     In  the  Aiax  we  find  a  tent  by  the  sea-shore,  in  the 
Philoctetes  a  cavern  on  a  hillside,  in  the  Oedipus  Coloneus  the 
sacred  precinct  in  the  grove.     The  proskenion,  however,  is  still  a 
unity ;  that  is,  it  represents  but  one  building.     From  the  Electra 
and  Oedipus  Coloneus  we  are  justified  in  inferring  that  great 
advances  had  been  made  in  aKr}Poypn(t>la,  and  that  this  was  employed 
even  where  there  are  no  clear  allusions  to  it  in  the  text.     The 
teaching  of  the  dramas  is  that  from  the  Suppliants  of  Aischylos 
to  the  Oedipus  Coloneus  of  Sophokles  there  has  been  much  the 
same  progress  in  the  art  of  representation  as  in  the  art  of  compo- 
sition.    Yet  in  every  play  of  this  second  period,  as  in  those  of  the 
first,  there  exists  the  strong  probability  that  actors  and  chorus 
make  use  of  the  same  parodoi  for  entrances  and  exits,  and  in 
several  plays  the  text  shows  that  the  existence  of  a  stage  was  an 
impossibility. 

III.  The  Period  of  Euripides  and  Aristophanes. 

A.  Euripides. — Rhesus, 

The  chorus,  in  its  character  of  night-watch,  approaches  the  tent 
of  Hektor  (i  ff.)  in  the  background  to  awaken  him.  His  reply 
(II  ff.)  affords  excellent  evidence  that  the  choreutae  are  close  to 
him,  not  below  in  an  orchestra.  Odysseus  and  Diomedes  enter 
(564)  and  find  the  tent  of  the  Trojan  chief  empty.  They  depart  to 
slay  Rhesos.   On  their  return  (667)  they  are  pursued  by  the  chorus. 

675  ff.  jSaXc  I  6ivt  e^vt'  ris  oS'  dvj)p;  \  XcuaafTC.  rodrov  avba>  .  .  .  |  Sevpo 
deOpo  Tra.  I  Toiad€  ix<^,  685   iraU  nas,  688  ri  8}}  r6   (ra>fia;   Od.  ^ot^os, 

make  clear  as  the  light  that  in  the  lively  pursuit  all  must  have 
been  in  the  orchestra  together,  and  that  the  intruders  are  seized 
and  held  till  the  watchword  is  given.  This  scene  simply  requires 
more  emphatically,  what  the  entire  play  also  demands,  that  there 
be  no  barrier  between  actors  and  chorus.  All  alike  are  soldiers, 
the  only  difference  being  that  the  actors  are  commanders.     No 


(^. 


43 

good  reason  can  be  urged  why  the  choreutae,  in  going  to  or 
coming  from  the  camps  of  the  Greeks  and  the  Trojans,  should 
make  use  of  different  roads,  different  exits,  from  those  employed 
by  Dolon,  Odysseus,  Diomedes,  Rhesos,  Aineias,  Paris  and 
Hektor  under  like  circumstances. 

Alcestis. 

The  proskenion  represents  the  house  of  Admetos  (i,  87,  477, 
911,  941,  etc.).  As  the  chorus  enter  their  attention  is  directed  to 
the  palace.  They  do  not  see  before  the  doors  water  for  bathing 
the  dead ;  nor  are  there  locks  of  shorn  hair  im  TrpoOvpois  (98  ff.). 
Such  minute  observation  as  is  implied  in  this  last  statement  was 
only  possible  when  the  chorus  stood  near  and  on  practically  the 
same  level  with  the  palace  door.  The  chorus  is  the  first  to  see 
and  announce  that  Alkestis  is  really  dead  (392).  Such  observation 
as  this  scene  also  requires  would  have  been  impossible  on  the 
*  stage*  theory. 

The  funeral  procession  comes  forth  from  the  dwelling  (605  ff.). 
Admetos  addresses  the  choreutae,  and  bids  them,  while  the 
servants  are  bearing  the  body,  to  salute  the  dead  in  the  customary 
manner.  No  word  is  spoken  to  show  that  the  chorus  ascends  or 
that  the  rest  of  the  procession  descends,  yet  there  can  hardly  be 
a  doubt  that  all  leave  by  the  same  parodos  (741).  By  the  same 
road  Herakles  follows  them  (860) ;  by  the  same  entrance  the 
funeral  procession  returns  (861),  and  by  the  same  way  we  certainly 
expect  the  son  of  Jove  and  Alkmene  to  bring  back  the  rescued 
Alkestis  (1007).  Again,  three  entrances — the  palace  door  and 
the  two  parodoi — meet  all  the  requirements  of  the  play. 

Medea. 

The  chorus  has  so  little  to  do  with  the  action  of  the  play  that 
there  are  but  few  indications  of  the  relative  position  of  actors  and 
choreutae.  napfKOa  d6p.ovy  (1275)  shows  the  possibility  of  the 
chorus  entering  the  house,  but  again  the  exigencies  of  the  play 
(as  in  Agamemnon)  prevent  such  action.  The  first  words  of 
Jason  (1293)  addressing  the  choreutae  are  surely  more  natural  if 
he  enters  through  the  parodos  and  joins  them  standing  in  front  of 
the  palace,  than  they  would  be  if  he  came  in  on  a  'stage'  above 
them,  and  turned  to  address  them,  instead  of  giving  his  attention 
to  the  palace. 

Before  the  doors  can  be  broken  in  (1314)  Medeia  is  visible  on 
the  chariot  drawn  by  dragons  (cf.  Schol.  in  1321),  which  has  been 


) 


44 

given  her  by  the  Sun.  Such  a  chariot,  large  enough  to  contain 
the  sorceress  and  the  bodies  of  her  sons  (1376  f.),  requires  room. 
On  such  a  diarfyla  as  was  possible  if  the  *  stage '  theory  be  accepted/ 
such  an  equipage  could  not  be  placed.  Actors  on  the  narrow 
'stage'  would  run  decided  risk  of  stepping  overboard  into  the 
orchestra  in  their  vain  endeavor  to  get  far  enough  from  the 
building  to  be  able  to  look  up  at  objects  on  the  roof  of  the 
dwelling.  The  scene  becomes  perfectly  intelligible  when  we 
consider  that  the  proskenion  represented  the  palace  of  Jason,  the 
'stage'  was  its  roof,  on  which  was  room  not  only  for  Medeia  and 
her  chariot,  but  also  for  the  necessary  stage  machinery. 

Hippolytus, 

The  statues  of  Artemis  (58  ff.,  72  f.)  and  Aphrodite  (loi,  116  f., 
359,  522)  are  standing  before  the  palace  of  Theseus  (108, 171,  575, 
790,  882  f.,  1 152)  as  Hippolytos  appears  (57),  bidding  his  numer- 
ous band  of  attendants  (54  f.  ttoX^s  .  .  .  K^\ioi)  sing  to  the  goddess 
of  the  chase.  This  chorus  of  attendants  (cf.  Schol.  in  58)  enter, 
remain  and  depart  (108  f.)  with  their  master.  For  this  scene  the 
broad  level  of  the  orchestra  is  far  better  suited  than  is  the  narrow 
platform  of  the  '  stage.' 

Phaidra  bids  the  real  chorus  of  the  play,  not  to  ascend  to  a 
'stage,'  but  (575)  ralffS'  fVtaraa-ai  TruXatf.  The  choreutae  do  not 
obey  because  they  are  plainly  terrified  by  the  outcry  of  Phaidra 
(569  f.),  and  because  the  audience  must  also  hear  of  what  is  taking 
place  within  the  house.  So  they  bid  her  announce  to  them  what 
the  evil  may  be  (577  ff.)-  They  do  not  respond  to  the  appeals  of 
the  nurse  (775,  780)  that  they  (776)  rush  in  and  save  her  mistress. 
The  action,  from  the  first  appeal  of  the  nurse  (775)  to  the 
announcement  that  Phaidra  is  dead  (786),  is  too  rapid  to  allow 
the  choreutae  to  enter  the  dwelling  even  had  they  been  so 
inclined.  The  foreordained  has  again  come  to  pass,  and  the 
announcement  has  been  made  to  the  public  in  due  form  (cf.  death- 
scene  in  Agamemnon). 

Hecuha, 

When  Talthybios  enters  (483)  the  chorus  have  just  completed 
an  ode,  and  therefore  are  near  the  middle  of  the  orchestra.  He 
asks  where  he  can  find  Hekabe.  The  reply,  a.v-n\  ntXas  a-ov  .  .  . 
jcetToi  $vyK€K\rj[M€vri  irtnXois,  proves  that,  as  they  point  her  out,  they 

iCf.  Part  I,  Muller,  B.-A.,  S.  140  ff.,  and  Haigh,  Att.  Th.,  p.  172. 


( 


i 


r 


45 

m 

can  see  her  lying,  wrapped  up  in  her  mantle.  Polyxene  has  just 
been  borne  away  to  the  camp.  In  the  agony  of  parting  the 
mother  threw  herself  down  near  the  exit  through  which  her 
daughter  disappeared.  Talthybios  enters  from  the  camp.  Had 
he  come  in  on  the  'stage'  the  prostrate  form  of  the  fallen  queen 
must  have  been  immediately  before  him.  His  question  to  the 
chorus  would  have  been  then  quite  uncalled  for ;  he  must  have 
seen  her  before  the  chorus  was  visible  to  him.  On  the  other 
hand,  as  he  came  through  the  parodos  he  must  needs  see  the 
chorus  first,  and  his  question  and  their  reply  are  both  pertinent. 

The  choreutae  are  on  the  point  of  entering  the  hut  of  Agamem- 
non (43,  171,  619,  880,  1049)  to  bear  aid  to  their  friends  within 
(1042),  when  Hekabe  comes  hastening  forth  (1044)  to  escape  the 
furious  Polymnestor  (1070).  There  is  no  talk  of  descending 
steps,  and  no  time  for  such  action.  Barely  have  they  and  the 
queen  fled  to  one  side  (1054),  when  the  raving  Thracian  bursts 
from  the  dwelling — upon  a  narrow  stage  ?  That  would  indeed  be 
difficult  to  believe. 

Cyclops, 

The  chorus  with  itpoaizokoi  (83)  enter  (40),  driving  the  flocks 
and  herds  of  the  Kyklops  (43  f.,  51  f.).  Whether  these  are  really 
animals  or  are  men  dressed  as  such,  their  erratic  motions  (41  ff.) 
show  that  they  must  enter  the  orchestra,  from  which  they  pass  to 
the  cave  in  the  background  (35,  82  f ,  383). 

Odysseus  first  sees  the  servants  (96)  as  he  enters,  then  perceives 
the  satyrs,  Silenos  and  the  chorus  by  the  cavern.  Had  he 
entered  on  a  'stage'  he  would  have  seen  these  last  first.  In  the 
bargaining  scene  which  follows  there  are  present  Odysseus,  his 
several  companions  (85  £),  Silenos,  the  chorus,  and  the  servants 
(191),  who  bring  in  the  lambs  bound  ready  to  be  borne  away. 
The  'stage'  could  not  well  accommodate  these  numbers.  The 
Kyklops'  threat  to  beat  the  chorus  (210  f.),  and  their  reply  (212  f), 
prove  that  they  are  near  him.  A  'stage'  would  be  very  narrow 
accommodations  for  the  giant  when  he  comes  forth  drunk  later 
on  (502). 

There  is  no  hindrance  for  the  choreutae  if  they  desire  to  enter 
the  cave,  therefore  they  readily  enter  into  conspiracy  with  Ulysses 
(451  ff.).  To  be  sure,  they  refuse  to  aid  in  putting  out  the 
Kyklops'  eye,  not  because  they  cannot  easily  ascend  to  a  'stage' 
(Muller,  B.-A.,  S.  127) — that  difficulty  has  been  overcome  many 
times  in  the  course  of  the  play — but  because  of  the  cowardly 


> 


\ 


46 

nature  of  the  satyrs,  and  because  the  poet  desires  to  amuse  the 
spectators  by  their  dancing  rather  than  leave  the  stage  empty.' 

The  blinded  giant  (683  ff.)  would  have  found  the  'stage'  a 
dangerous  place.  Odysseus  announces  that  he  is  far  from  (689) 
the  Kyklops,  and  undoubtedly  he,  his  companions  and  the  chorus 
have  all  moved  out  into  the  orchestra,  on  the  appearance  of  their 
enemy,  preparatory  to  departing  together  through  the  parodos 
on  their  way  to  the  ship.  The  impossibility  of  representing  the 
hillside  and  the  cavern  on  the  'stage'  has  been  discussed  in 
connection  with  the  Philoctetes. 

Heraclidae. 

lolaos  and  a  numerous  company  (10,  64,  91  f.,  93»  248,  581)  of 
the  younger  sons  of  Herakles  sit  as  suppliants  at  the  altar  of  Zeus 
(61,  79,  97  U  121,  238,  341,  etc.),  at  which  the  children  remain 
throughout  the  play  (344  ff.)-  This  is  the  ^0,,.^?  before  the  temple 
(41  f.;  479,  643,  646,  657.  695  ff),  of  sufficient  size  to  receive  this 
group.  Excavations  at  Olympia  and  elsewhere  have  shown  that 
such  altars  were  not  placed  close  before  the  temples;  their  use 
for  sacrifices  forbade  that.  The  size  and  probable  character  of 
this  altar  alike  tend  to  prove  that  it  could  not  have  been  on  a 
narrow  platform  of  a  'stage.* 

When  Kopreus  is  attempting  to  drag  the  children  away  he 
throws  lolaos  violently  to  the  ground  (75  f,  128  f.).     In  response 
to  the  cry  for  help  (69  f.)  the  chorus  come  in  with  a  rush  (73),  on 
the  same  level  with  the  actors,  for  their  presence  compels  Kopreus 
to  desist  from  his  attempt.     Because  they  are  later  with  Demo- 
phaon,  the  messenger  of  the  Argive  king  feels  that  he  is  powerless 
(274  /xiaf  yap  x«poff  «<^^^»"7f  M"X»?)-     I^laos  bids  the  chorus  and  the 
children  exchange  the  pledge  of  the  right  hand  (307,  308).     The 
choreutae  fulfil  this  duty  in  their  character  of  representatives  of 
the  Athenian  people  (cf  69),  and  the  king  is  separately  addressed 
(320  ff.).     This  act  of  pledging  is  performed  by  all  the  chorus 
(307  f.).     Thus  scenery  and  text  alike  require  that  the  play  be 
acted  in  the  orchestra. 

Hercules  Furens, 

The  chorus  enter  (106),  to  find  the  father,  wife  and  children  of 
Herakles  as  suppliants  at  an  altar  (51,  72,  243)  before  the  palace 
of  the  hero  (107,  330,  523,  622,  1142).  The  passage  119  ff  is 
very  corrupt,  and  it  is  doubtful  whether  &vavr^i  belongs  in  the  text. 

^Cf.  Capps,  The  Stage  in  the  Greek  Theatre,  p.  42. 


\ 


i 


t« 


,1 . ,.  ^ 


\ 


47 

At  best,  however,  the  words  referring  to  ascent  are  used  in  the 
comparison,  and  refer  to  the  'yoke-bearing  steed'  as  showing  the 
cause  of  its  weariness.     The  chorus  of  old  men,  each  of  whom 
leans  on  his  staff  for  support  (107  ff.),  comes  feebly  in,  each  man 
assisting  his  neighbor  (125).     They  are  on  the  same  level  and 
near  to  the  actors,  for  they  are  on  the  point  of  striking  Lykos 
(254),  and  declare  (262  f )  that  while  they  are  alive  he  cannot 
carry  out  his  design  of  slaying  the  children.     The  long  choral 
ode  (348-441)  must  have  been  delivered  in  the  orchestra.     There 
is  no  indication  that  they  descend  for  this,  nor  that  they  ascend 
for  the  following  scene.     Here  Amphitryon  is  bidding  farewell  to 
the  chorus  (503  ff.),  when  Herakles  enters  and  finds  all  together 
before  his  house  (525  ff.).     He  beholds  his  family  in  funeral  garb 
standing  not  7iear  but  among  the  choreutae  (oxXw  t  ev  avdpSyv). 
The  words  of  the  hero  (529),  that  he  will  approach  them,  are 
nonsense  if  he  refers  to  the  few  feet  between  the  side  and  the 
middle  of  a  'stage';  they  are  natural  if  he  is  near  the  parodos, 
while,  the  others  are  grouped  together  in  the  orchestra,  immedi- 
ately in  front  of  the  palace. 

At  748  the  chorus  cry  aKonS>fi€v  'let  us  look  into  the  palace.' 
The  death-cry  of  Lykos  is  heard  a  few  moments  later,  and  the 
choreutae  begin  their  dance  in  the  orchestra.  The  description  of 
objects  within  the  palace  (1029  ff.)  shows  that  they  are  again 
where  they  can  see  within  the  ruined  dwelling.  They  flee  to 
avoid  the  danger,  when  it  is  announced  that  Herakles  is  coming 
forth  (1081  f.).  This  danger  could  exist  only  because  he  is 
coming  out  into  the  orchestra.  In  company  with  Amphitryon 
(1 109  ff.)  they  again  approach  the  dwelling.  These  passages 
offer  strong  proof  that  no  stage  existed  as  a  barrier  between  the 
chorus  and  the  palace,  particularly  when  we  remember  that  the 
choreutae  could  not  have  seen  the  hero  lying  chained  among  the 
ruins  of  his  dwelling,  had  the  so-called  stage  been  in  their  way. 

• 

Andromache. 

The  proskenion  again  represents  a  palace  (41,  495,  817,  1055). 
The  shrine  of  Thetis,  by  which  Andromache  is  sitting  at  the 
opening  of  the  play,  is  referred  to  under  different  names:  115 

&ya\txa  deisy  1 17  Bdnedov  Kai  dvaKTopa,  135  dyXabv  ebpav,  161  Sw/xa  Niyp^- 
fioff  TOSe,   I  ov  ^(opos   ovBe   va6s,  253   dyvov  riptvos  eva\ias   Otov,  380  Twi/d' 

dvaKT6p<^v,  411  ^(op6v.  This  is  no  ordinary  altar,  but  a  precinct, 
rt/ici/of ,  containing  a  house,  6«/xa,  va6s,  an  altar,  ^w/iof ,  and  an  image, 
SiyaKtia.    There  is  no  room  for  such  a  structure  in  the  background 


/ 


^ 


y 


ll 


'I 


48 

— the  palace  is  there— nor  on  the  so-called  stage— that  is  too 
narrow  to  afford  space  for  the  shrine  and  for  the  actors.  This 
structure  is  then  in  the  orchestra,  and  in  the  orchestra  is  repre- 
sented the  main  action  of  the  play  which  concerns  Andromache 
sitting  within  this  temenos. 

The  choreutae  are  on  one  occasion  (817)  about  to  rush  in  to 
prevent  the  suicide  of  Hermione,  but  before  they  can  do  this  she 
is  heard  coming  forth  (822).  So  they  remain  without.  The  text 
implies  the  easy  possibility  of  their  entering  (cf.  Miiller,  B.-A., 

S.  127). 

Suppliants. 

As  the  play  opens,  Aithra,  with  the  mothers  of  'the  seven'  (20), 
is  sitting  at  the  altars  (33,  64,  93)  before  the  temple  of  Demeter 
and  Kore  at  Eleusis  (30,  88,  938).  Adrastos,  surrounded  by  the 
sons  of 'the  seven,'  lies  at  the  doors  of  the  same  temple  (22,  104). 

279  dfi<f)imTVOv<Ta  top  aop  yovv   and  284  f.  xrept  aoi(ri  yovvaaiv  prOVe  that 

Theseus  is  standing  close  by  the  Argive  king.  But  Theseus' 
direction  to  the  chorus  (359  f )  to  remove  the  hallowed  garlands 
from  his  mother,  that  he  may  lead  her  back  to  the  city,  show  that 
Aithra  and  the  suppliants  are  also  on  the  same  level  with  the 
actors.  In  the  Heracleidae  it  has  been  pointed  out  that  the  ^<ofi6s 
of  a  temple  would  not  be  placed  on  a  'stage.'  The  chorus  of  15, 
Aithra,  Adrastos,  with  the  seven  sons  (106,  1124  f.,  1224),  make  a 
total  of  24  persons,  arranged  in  two  groups,  when  Theseus  and 
his  attendants  enter.  It  is  incredible,  again,  that  so  many  persons 
could  occupy  this  'stage.'  No  room  would  remain  for  the  neces- 
sary action.  When  nearly  one  third  of  the  play  is  past,  and  the 
chorus  is  bidden  (359)  to  leave  the  altar,  the  word  of  Theseus  is 
not  a  command  to  descend  to  a  level  below  that  occupied  by  the 
actors.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  choreutae  are  with  the  actors 
later  on. 

Adrastos  goes  to  meet  the  bodies  (772),  and  commands  that 
they  be  brought  in  (81 1).  815  ff.  d6$\  wy  ircpinrvxalai  Bq  \  x^P^^  npoa- 
apfioaaa    €fiOis  \  iv  dyKoxTi  rUva  BCopai  Cries  the   choruS.      tx^Hy  «;(€iff  is 

the  reply.  The  choreutae  are  in  the  orchestra,  for  they  have  just 
completed  the  ode  778  ff.  But  they  here  embrace  the  bodies 
brought  in  under  the  direction  of  Adrastos.  Theseus  also  comes 
(837),  and  stands  by  the  bodies  while  the  heroes  are  being 
described  (860  ff.).  As  the  dead  are  borne  forth,  Adrastos 
invites  the  chorus  to  follow  (941).  This  Theseus  forbids  (942), 
but  Adrastos  promises  that  they  shall  receive  the  bones  (948  f.). 
The  chorus  remain,  that  they  may  be  present  at  the  burning  of 


'' 


•'   ( 


I 


49 

the  body  of  Kapaneus  (cf.  Miiller,  B.-A.,  S.  127).  To  them  in 
the  orchestra  are  brought  the  ashes  of  their  dead  by  the  Epigoni 
(II 13  ff.),  and  from  the  orchestra  they  march  forth  in  company 
with  Adrastos  (1132),  at  the  end. 

There  is  no  room  on  a  'stage'  for  the  pyre  of  Kapaneus  (981, 
loio,  1058)  and  the  towering  rock  (987)  from  which  Evadne  leaps 
(1071),  to  say  nothing  of  the  danger  to  wooden  'stage'  and  stage- 
buildings  from  the  actually  burning  pile  (1012-1017).  Dismissing 
the  stage-idea  as  untenable,  the  lofty  rock  occupies  a  portion  of 
the  space  where  stood  the  later  proskenion,  and  the  burning  pile 
was  on  the  earth  in  the  orchestra.  The  importance  of  the  chorus 
and  the  freedom  with  which  it  mingles  with  the  actors  remind  one 
strongly  of  the  early  plays  of  Aischylos. 

Troades. 

Hekabe,  lying  before  the  door  (37)  of  the  hut  (32,  139, 155, 157, 
294,  359,  880)  in  which  are  confined  the  captive  Trojan  women, 
calls  (143  f.)  on  the  chorus  within  (cf.  Schol.  in  139)  to  sing 
responsively  with  her.  One  semichorus  comes  forth  at  153  (cf. 
157),  the  other  at  176  (cf.  Schol.  in  loc).  The  ode  197-229  is  of 
course  sung  in  the  orchestra,  but,  again,  no  word  shows  that  the 
performers  descend  to  reach  their  accustomed  place. 

Andromache  appears  with  her  son  (571,  614,  702,  713,  749,  782, 
786),  riding  on  a  chariot  (569,  572,  626).  From  610  aycJ/xe^a  Xet'o 
ui>v  T€Kpa  and  622  t5>p  a'  6x<op  we  learn  that  she  remains  in  the 
chariot  at  least  till  626.  Her  chariot  can  only  enter  to  the 
orchestra.  There  is  no  mention  of  her  leaving  this  vehicle,  much 
less  of  her  ascending  to  or  descending  from  a  stage.  She  unques- 
tionably rides  forth  (779)  on  the  same  conveyance  on  which  she 
entered.  All  things  tend  to  show  that  this  scene,  in  which  Andro- 
mache holds  long  and  intimate  conversation  with  Hekabe,  and 
pours  forth  all  her  mother's  tenderness  in  embracing  her  son 
(755  ff.).  has  taken  place  in  the  orchestra.  Thither  come  Talthy- 
bios  and  his  companions  to  seize  and  destroy  the  child.  There 
Hekabe  utters  her  lament  for  her  grandson  (790  ff.).  From  thence 
the  herald  commands  the  chorus  (1266  ff.)  to  depart  to  the  shore 
at  the  sound  of  the  trump,  and  bids  Hekabe  follow  him  (1269  f.). 
She  does  not  obey,  and  he  directs  the  servants  to  lead  her  forth 
(1285).  Still  she  does  not  go,  but  from  1302  to  the  end  she  sings 
the  responsive  dirge  with  the  chorus.  She  kneels  (1305  f.)  and 
places  her  hands  on  the  ground ;  the  choreutae  follow  her  example 


/ 


^ 


50 

(1307  f.)-  ^^^^  ^^^^  ^^^  ^^^  moving  toward  the  same  shore,  from 
the  same  level,  through  the  same  parodos,  and  the  poet  sends  all 
forth  in  procession  at  the  close  of  the  play. 

Iphigenia  Taurica. 

73.  (^  aifiaTOiv  yovv  |dv^'  fxei  dpiyKoifiara 

Op.       OpiyKOiS  S'  VTT    uvTois  (TKv\    opas  l]pTr]fl€Va  / 
IIv.      Twv  Kardavovroiv  y    aKpoBivia  ^iviov 

•       ••••• 

113  IIu.      opa  de  yuaa  TpiyXvcfxov  ottoi  K€vcv 
dffias  Kadfivai' 

No  such  minute  and  realistic  description  of  scenery  is  found  in 
any  of  the  preceding  plays.  These  lines  demonstrate  that  the 
temple  was  carefully  represented.  The  long  back  wall  of  a 
'stage'  was  hardly  adapted  for  such  a  building.  The  theatre 
carpenter  could,  however,  in  the  period  of  which  we  are  speaking, 
build  the  proskenion  in  whatever  form  the  drama  required.  Its 
door  would  then  open  out  upon  the  orchestra. 

Iphigeneia,  coming  from  the  temple  (142),  joins  the  chorus, 
addresses  the  choreutae  as  dfiaai  (143),  offers  her  shorn  locks,  and 
pours  a  libation  to  the  shade  of  her  brother  (159  ff.),  in  which  the 
chorus  assist  by  singing  a  hymn  to  the  dead  (179  ff.).  As  in  the 
other  libation  scenes  in  which  the  chorus  take  part  (e.  g.  Persians 
619  ff.,  Choeph.  92  ff.),  actors  and  chorus  are  together  in  the 
orchestra.  In  1069  ff.  Iphigeneia  appeals  to  the  various  members 
of  the  chorus  not  to  betray  her.  There  is  in  her  words  no  actual 
demonstration  that  actors  and  chorus  are  together  in  the  orchestra, 
but  it  is  improbable  that  Iphigeneia  is  talking  in  this  individual, 
intimate  manner  to  a  group  of  people  twelve  feet  below  and  at 
some  distance  from  her. 

Ion, 

Seven  metopes  are  carefully  described  (184-218),  and  therefore 
the  temple-front  (79,  219  ff.,  510,  1319  f.)  must  have  been  repre- 
sented in  a  most  realistic  manner.  Hermes  says  (76) :  tls  Ba(f)VQ>8rj 
yvaXa  ^qaofjLai,  from  which  it  is  fair  to  infer  that  painted  decorations 
represented  the  laurel  groves  of  Delphi.  To  one  who  has  climbed 
the  steep  hillside  to  the  site  of  the  ancient  temple  of  the  oracle, 
the  words  of  Kreousa  and  the  pedagogue  as  they  enter  (cf.  724- 
738  f.)  convey  an  additional  idea  of  the  realistic  nature  of  the 
scene  presented  to  the   gaze  of  the   Athenian  audience.     The 


0 


( 


SI 

temple  (738  ff.),  fiapT€'la,  did  lie  high,  alndpd.  A  winding  path 
(743  Tcpt^cpJ)  (TTifiov')  may  well  have  led  up  to  it.  The  old  man's 
exhaustion  (739  ff.)  under  such  circumstances  was  to  be  expected. 
Here,  as  in  the  Philoktetes  and  the  Birds,  any  indication  of  the 
ascending  path  was  possible  only  in  the  orchestra.  The  conver- 
sation of  the  two  actors  (724-747)  shows  that  they  are  slowly  but 
steadily  advancing.  At  747  Kreousa  first  sees  and  addresses  the 
chorus.  The  time  consumed  in  uttering  these  23  verses  would  be 
requisite  for  entering  through  the  parodos  and  passing  to  a 
position  near  the  front  of  the  temple,  but  not  for  moving  from  the 
side  to  the  centre  of  a  '  stage.' 

In  the  distance  traversed  this  scene  resembles  183  ff.  The 
choreutae,  loitering  and  discussing  the  metopes  in  the  latter  scene, 
consume  a  still  longer  time  before  they  are  near  enough  to 
address  Ion  (219).  They  do  not  enter  the  temple  because  they 
have  not  performed  the  necessary  sacrifices,  and  have  no  motive 
but  idle  curiosity  (226  ff.) ;  not  because  there  is  a  stage  in  the  way 
(cf  Muller,  B.-A.,  S.  127). 

The  choreutae  are  the  servants  of  Kreousa.  Arriving  with  her 
from  Athens,  they  have  come  direct  to  the  temple  (183,  252  ff.). 
Mistress  and  servants  enter  then  by  the  same  path.  The  cho- 
reutae are  still  at  a  little  distance  from  the  temple  when  they  first 
call  to  Ion  (219  0-6  Toi  t6v  napa  va6v).  Kreousa  has  perchance 
stopped  by  one  of  the  altars  to  offer  the  necessary  sacrifices,^  for 
we  find  no  word  in  the  following  lines  that  it  is  unlawful  for  her 
to  enter  the  temple  because  of  failure  to  do  this.     The  chorus 

says    (237)  :   Trapovaas   5'    ap(fH  ra(r5'    epiorqs.      She    is   still    at  a   little 

distance,  for  it  is  not  till  241  that  Ion  observes  that  she  is  weeping. 
On  a  stage  she  would  have  been  within  a  few  feet  of  him  as  soon 
as  she  was  visible  at  all.  The  entire  scene  gains  in  clearness 
when  we  recognize  that  actor  and  chorus  enter  through  the  parodos. 
Kreousa  comes  hastening  in  (1249)  to  her  attendants,  asking 
what  she  shall  do  to  escape  the  death  to  which  she  has  just  been 
sentenced.  Naturally  she  comes  to  them,  not  to  a  platform  above 
them.  In  obedience  to  their  advice  (1255  ff.),  she  goes  as  a 
suppliant  to  the  altar  (1275,  1280,  1401,  1403).  Like  the  temple 
^(Ofios  in  the  plays  previously  discussed,  this  was  in  the  orchestra. 
So  from  the  orchestra  at  the  end,  in  obedience  to  the  commands 
of  Athena,  master,  mistress  and  newly-found  son,  with  the  serv- 
ants, the  choreutae,  move  forth  together  on  their  way  to  Athens. 

1  Cf.  Capps,  The  Stage  in  the  Greek  Theatre,  p.  23. 


i 


f 


^ 


52 


Eledra. 

Orestes  and  his  companions  (394)  enter,  and  perceive  Elektra 
returning  from  the  stream  with  water  (107).  They  sit  down  (109 
«f&)/x€o-^a)  very  near  to  the  peasant's  hut  (216},  which  the  proske- 
nion  for  this  play  represents  (78,  251,  489,  750,  1233).  Elektra 
sings  the  long  ode  1 12-166,  the  chorus  joins  her  (166),  and 
together  they  sing  the  verses  167-212.  The  choreutae  are 
present  as  the  friends  (175)  of  Elektra,  and  invite  her  to  come 
with  them  to  receive  the  proper  apparel  and  join  in  the  festive 
dance  (191  ff.).  This  scene  implies  that  actors  and  chorus  are 
together.  But  the  strangers,  though  they  have  no  reason  for 
concealment  (109  ff.),  remain  unobserved  from  112  to  215.  Had 
Elektra  entered  on  the  side  of  a  'stage,'  Orestes  and  his  com- 
panions would  have  been  directly  before  her  eyes,  but  a  few  feet 
distant.  She  could  not  have  avoided  seeing  them  during  the 
recital  of  one  hundred  verses.  She  begins  her  song,  however,  as 
she  comes  in  through  the  parodos,  is  joined  by  the  chorus,  and 
all  move  gradually  toward  the  cottage,  absorbed  in  their  conver- 
sation. As  a  movement  of  Orestes  (217)  suddenly  attracts  the 
attention  of  his  sister,  frightened,  she  calls  to  the  chorus  to  hasten 
back  the  way  they  came  (218),  while  she  attempts  to  escape  into 
the  house. 

At  962  Elektra  sees  her  mother  coming  from  Argos  in  her 
chariot.  To  look  from  the  'stage'  out  through  the  parodos, 
through  which  the  chariot  must  enter,  is  an  impossibility.  The 
queen  enters  at  987.  Elektra  comes  forward  to  meet  her,  and 
offers  to  assist  her  from  the  chariot  (1006).  Beyond  a  doubt 
then  are  the  two  actors  here  in  the  orchestra.  Not  till  1135  does 
Klytaimnestra  send  the  chariot  forth.  Like  the  old  man  in  Ion, 
the  old  servant  complains  of  the  steepness  of  the  way  (489). 
Here,  as  in  Ion,  the  ascending  path  leads  from  the  parodos. 


Helena. 

The  central  point  of  the  action  during  the  first  1200  lines  is  the 
tomb  of  Proteus  in  front  of  the  royal  palace  (64,  324,  528,  797^ 
984,  1 165,  1203).  On  this  (984  ff.  Tu/i/3ov  W  kotois)  Menelaus 
declares  that  he  will  slay  Helen  and  himself,  so  that  their  blood 
shall  flow  down  the  tomb,  and  their  two  bodies  shall  lie  upon  it. 
Although,  as  he  enters  (1164),  his  first  words  are  a  salute  to  the 
sepulchre  of  his  father,  Theoklymenos  does  not  see  Menelaos 


53 

crouching  by  this  tomb  till  Helen  points  out  her  husband  (1203). 
Then  this  structure  was  of  considerable  size. 

When  Helen  reappears  from  the  palace  at  527  she  speaks  of 
again  coming  to  the  sepulchre,  but  does  not  see  Menelaos  till  544. 
She  has  not  then  reached  her  former  resting-place,  for  she  cries 
out  that  she  is  being  kept  from  the  tomb  by  the  stranger  (550  f.). 
This  monument  would  hardly  be  built  against  the  very  front  of 
the  palace.  This  fact,  its  size,  its  distance  from  the  palace  door, 
all  tend  to  demonstrate  that  it  was  constructed  in  the  orchestra. 
Then,  the  action  was  in  the  orchestra.  This  agrees  with  that  free 
intercourse  between  actors  and  chorus  in  327  ff.  and  1624  ff.,  also 
with  the  presence  of  the  band  of  hunters  with  their  dogs  and  nets 
(1169  f.). 

It  is  necessary  that  the  scene  be  vacant  when  Menelaos  appears 
(386  ff.).  Therefore  the  chorus  accompanies  Helen  within  the 
palace,  reappearing  with  her  at  514.  There  is  no  sign  of  difficulty 
connected  with  this  action. 

Theoklymenos  threatens  to  revenge  himself  on  his  sister  (1624 
ff.).  The  chorus  remonstrate  (1627),  but  he  bids  them  to  get  out 
of  the  way  (1628).  They  respond  that  they  will  not  release  their 
grasp  on  his  garments  (1629).  There  is  no  reason  why  the 
choreutae  should  be  on  a  'stage'  just  previous  to  1624.  Between 
1624  and  1628  there  is  no  time  for  the  entire  chorus,  nor  for  any 
members  of  it,  to  leave  their  position  in  the  orchestra  and  ascend 
a  flight  of  steps  to  seize  the  actor.  The  teaching  of  the  entire 
text  is,  then,  that  no  stage  existed. 


Phoenissae, 

The  palace  in  Thebes  (99,  193,  277,  1067,  1342,  1636),  with  the 
customary  altars  before  it  (274,  604,  631),  is  in  the  background. 
The  pedagogue,  in  company  with  Antigone,  appears  (87),  inves- 
tigates the  road  in  front  of  the  palace  (92),  then  invites  his  com- 
panion to  ascend  the  steps  (100),  to  reach  the  point  from  whence 
she  can  see  the  hostile  army.  She  requires  his  assistance  to 
mount  the  difficult  ascent  (103  f).  The  Scholiast  to  90  under- 
stands fii^pfff  %(TxoTov  to  refer  to  a  second  story.  Pollux,  IV  1 29, 
informs  us  that  the  two  ascend  to  the  atarcyia.  From  the  text 
.  this  much  is  clear,  the  two  actors  come  forth  and  ascend  to  some 
portion  of  the  decoration.  For  such  an  elevation,  and  the  stairs 
leading  to  it,  there  is  not  room  on  the  narrow  stage. 


54 

In  response  to  Polyncikes'  declaration  of  his  birth  and  name 
(288  flf.),  the  chorus  prostrate  themselves  at  his  knees  (294  (.),  a 
difficult  action,  to  say  the  least,  if  he  is  not  with  them  in  the 
orclu'Stra. 

Anti.i»ono  enters  (1484)  with  the  procession  which  bears  the 
dead  bodies  of  her  mother  and  her  two  brothers  (1491,  1523, 
1526  f.,  1563,  1627,  1629,  1635,  1665).  Kreon  is  present  with  the 
attendants,  whom  he  commands  (1660)  to  seize  Antij;one.  It  is 
natural  to  suppose  that  other  soldiers  besides  the  bearers  enter 
with  the  funeral  train  (1484).  The  blind  Oidipous  joins  the  com- 
pany at  1539.  Antijjone  embraces  the  body  of  her  mother  (1661), 
and  leads  her  father  that  he  may  touch  the  bodies  in  turn  (1693, 
1699).  There  is  room,  then,  for  unimpeded  action.  Yet,  without 
mentioning  the  number  of  soldiers  who  escort  the  funeral  train, 
or  the  number  of  attendants  with  Kreon,  there  were  |)resent  the 
three  dead,  stretched  on  their  biers,  lour  bearers  for  each,  Oidi- 
pous, Antigone,  and  Kreon — 19  necessary  persons.  It  is  hii^hly 
improbal)le  that  such  numbers,  with  the  altars  and  other  necessary 
decorations,  were  crowded  together  on  a  'stage,'  when  abundant 
room  existed  in  the  orchestra. 

Orrsfes. 

As  the  play  opens  Elektra  is  sitting  by  Orestes,  who  is  sleeping 
on  a  couch  (35,  44,  88,  185,  311),  before  the  palace  of  Agamemnon 
(60,  112,  356,  744,  II 19,  1358).  She  cautions  the  chorus  to  move 
gently  (136),  to  retire  from  before  the  couch  (142).  Aj»ain,  when 
they  show  that  they  can  move  lightly  and  speak  soltly  (147  f.), 
she  bids  them  approach.  They  are  close  by  the  sleeper  (166), 
for  they  cry  out  o/wy/  tv  tre'TrXoKrt  Kipti  de/xas.  Their  cries  disturb 
the  sleeper,  and  Electra  again  bids  them  move  away  (171).  This 
request,  repeated  in  187  f.,  is  then  obeyed,  for  the  choreutae  at 
208  f.  cannot  see  whether  Orestes  is  sleeping.  The  words  ol  the 
play  show  clearly  enoui^h  that  the  chorus  is  throughout  the  scene 
moving  near  the  actors,  but  the  veYbs  of  motion  employed  all 
imply  motion  to  and  fro  on  the  same  level.  Nothing  here 
suggests  a  stage  (cf.  Miiller,  B.-A.,  S.  125). 

In  1246  ff.  Electra  and  the  chorus  remain  outside  to  guard 
against  surprise.     Electra  commands  (1251)  or^d'  at  fxh  vfiav  t6p8' 

Afia^ijprj   Tpi^ov,   \  ot   d    fpOad     liXKoP   oifiov   €ls   (fipovpav   SofKOV.       I  he   One 

semichorus  replies  (1258)  that  they  will  guard  the  east,  the  other 
says  (1260)  that  they  will  watch  the  west.     Since  they  are  guard- 


/I 


'^*' 


5 

ing  against  actors,  they  will  be  on  a  'stage,*  if  there  be  a  stage. 
Only  two  paths  are  mentioned,  and  the  choreutae  are  guarding 
these  on  either  side  of  the  proskenion.  liut  the  Afia^riprj  rplf-iov 
can  be  nothing  else  than  the  road  i)y  which  chariots  are  accus- 
tomed to  enter  the  orchestra.  One  entrance  on  either  side,  and 
that  leading  into  the  orchestra,  is  exactly  what  the  new  theory 
demands. 

The  closing  scene  (1554  fi.)  adds  its  emphatic  testimony  in 
favor  of  the  same  theory.  As  Menelaos  and  his  attendants  (1562) 
are  about  to  break  in  the  gales,  there  appear  on  the  roof  of  the 
palace  Orestes  (1567),  llermione  (1575),  Pyhides  (1620),  and 
others  (1574).  The  knife  is  placed  at  llermione's  throat  and  the 
torches  are  ready  to  set  fire  to  the  building.  The  roof  of  the 
palace,  i.  e.  the  top  of  the  [)ro.skeiii()n,  alone  could  afford  the 
necessary  room  for  this  exciting  scene.  Only  in  the  orchestra, 
in  fact,  could  Menelaos  and  his  companions  remove  far  enough 
from  the  front  wall  of  the  palace  to  see  the  roof  easily. 

Bacc/iae, 

The  text  does  not  make  clear  the  exact  location  of  the  tomb  of 
Seinele  (6,  596  (T.),  whicii  must  be,  however,  near  the  palace  (7, 
170,  212,  606,  1 165,  1368). 

In  55  ff.  Bacchos  addresses  the  chorus  as  present,  and  announces 
that  he  has  brought  them  with  him  from  among  the  barbarians, 
as  his  companions.  There  is  no  direct  statement  to  this  effect, 
but,  as  the  immediate  followers  of  the  god,  we  expect  them  to 
enter  on  the  same  level  and  at  the  same  time  with  him.  Their 
entrance  at  another  lime  and  i)]ace  is  not  suggested. 

The  cry  of  the  •^od  to  light  the  lamp  and  burn  the  house  of 
Penlheus  (576)  comes  from  within,  for  the  chorus  question  from 
whence  it  is  (579);  and  Bacchos  explains  (616  ff.;  that,  as  the 
flame  sprung  ui)on  the  grave  of  his  mother,  the  king  believed  his 
palace  was  burning,  and  labored  with  his  servants  to  quench  the 
flames.  These  actions  of  the  king  take  ])lace  within;  without  the 
choreutae  only  see  the  pillars  of  the  house  shake  at  the  presence 
of  the  god  (591).  Consequently  there  can  be  no  difficulty  in 
ascending  a  'stage,'  of  which  Miiller  (B.-A.,  S.  127)  speaks. 

The  numbers  present  at  the  end — Agave  (1167),  women  of 
Thebes  (1203  ff.),  Kadmos  and  his  servants  bearing  the  remains  of 
Pentheus  (1216),  Bacchos  (1330  f.),  the  guides  for  Agave  (1381) 
— are  too  numerous  to  be  readily  accommodated  on  the  '  stage.' 


) 


56 


57 


Iphigenia  Aulidensis, 

The  old  servant  of  Agamemnon  sets  out  on  the  road  to  Argos 
(163),  but  is  brought  back  by  Menelaos  (302).  The  messenger 
enters  by  the  same  road  (414),  to  announce  the  coming  of  Kly- 
taimnestra.  The  chorus  proclaim  that  she  is  visible  (592),  and 
the  testimony  that  she  rides  into  the  orchestra  is  exceedingly 
clear.  Rejecting  the  doubtful  verses  598-606,  in  607  Klytaim- 
nestra  thanks  the  chorus  for  their  kindly  greeting.  She  bids 
(610  ff.)  some  take  from  the  chariot  and  bear  within  the  hut  (i, 
12,  440,  678,  820,  1098,  1 106)  the  wedding  gifts  for  her  child,  and 
asks  the  choreutae  to  assist  Iphigenia  to  alight  (617).  She 
directs  others  to  stand  in  front  of  the  horses,  that  they  may  not 
become  frightened  (619),  and  still  others  to  take  the  boy  Orestes 
(621).  Iphigeneia  runs  to  meet  her  father  (631  ff.).  Who  will 
care  to  maintain  either  that  she  ascends  to  or  that  he  descends 
from  a 'stage'  that  they  may  come  together?  They  enter  the 
tent  on  the  invitation  of  the  king  (678).  The  text  teaches  that 
the  orchestra  is  simply  the  open  space  in  front  of  the  royal 
quarters,  with  no  impediment  to  free  passage  fi-om  the  one  to  the 
other. 

Again,  Iphigeneia  cries  that  she  sees  a  crowd  (1338  o;(Xoi') 
approaching.  The  mother  replies  that  this  is  Achilles,  and  that 
hero  himself  (1359)  informs  us  that  these  followers  are  on  the 
scene.  But  the  attendants  of  Agamemnon  are  also  present  in 
numbers  (1463  oTradai/  Tw^Sf).  It  is  almost  needless  to  remark 
that  the  Greek  'stage'  afforded  no  room  for  action  in  the 
presence  of  numbers. 

It  is  interesting,  indeed,  to  find  the  testimony  of  this  last  drama 
of  Euripides  so  emphatically  supporting  the  theory  that  actors 
and  chorus  occupied  the  same  level  in  the  classic  period  of  the 
Greek  drama. 

B.  Aristopha7ies} — Acharnenses, 

The  opening  scene  portrays  an  assembly  on  the  Pnyx,  Dikai- 
opolis  is  seated  as  the  Prytanes  come  crowding  in  (42),  each 
endeavoring  to  obtain  the  best  seat.  The  herald  calls  to  order 
(43),  and  asks  who  desires  to  speak.  Amphitheos  responds 
(46  ff.).     His  words  not  being  pleasing,  he  is  removed  by  the 

^The  writer  acknowledges  his  special  indebtedness  to  "The  'Stage'  in 
Aristophanes,"  by  Prof.  John  Williams  White,  in  Harvard  Studies  in  Class. 
Philol.,  vol.  II,  p.  159  ff. 


c 


I 


( 


policemen  (54  f.),  and  the  embassadors  to  the  great  king  are 
announced  (61).  With  them  comes  Pseudartabas  (91)  and  two 
eunuchs  (117).  This  worthy  company  retire  to  dine  in  the  Pry- 
taneion  (123  ff.),  but  their  places  are  more  than  filled  by  the 
arrival  of  the  envoy  to  the  king  of  Thrace,  with  his  army  of 
Odomantians  (156  (rrparos).  There  must  have  been  some  attempt 
to  represent  the  Pnyx  with  its  Bema  and  its  benches  for  the 
Prytanes  and  spectators.  The  Prytanes  are  present  in  numbers 
(26,  43),  and  people  occupy  the  remaining  benches  (56  rrjv  iKKkrj- 
<riav)  with  Dikaiopolis  and  Amphitheos.  When  to  all  these  are 
added  the  embassadors  and  their  companions,  or  the  envoy  and 
his  Thraceans,  thirty  is  surely  an  understatement  of  the  number 
present  (cf.  White,  p.  189).  These  actors  and  mutes,  in  the 
lively  scenes  when  Amphitheos  is  removed  by  force  (54),  and 
when  the  Odomantians  rob  Dikaiopolis  of  his  garlic  (163  ff.), 
could  not  have  been  placed  on  any  'stage.'  Therefore  some 
portion  of  the  orchestra  represented  the  Pnyx,  and  there  is  no 
reason  why,  from  the  beginning,  the  proskenion  may  not  have 
represented  the  houses  of  Dikaiopolis  (262, 1095  ^0>  of  Lamachos 
(1072,  1095  ff-)  and  of  Euripides  (395  ff.). 

Since  the  Acharnians  are  in  pursuit  of  Amphitheos,  and  he 
appears  on  the  Pnyx  (175),  they  also  appear  here.  Yet  they  are 
before  the  house  of  Dikaiopolis  and  hear  him  preparing  to  come 
forth  (238).  Our  hero,  his  wife  and  daughter  (245),  two  slaves 
(259  f.),  and  probably  the  rest  of  the  household  whom  we  find 
mentioned  in  817  ff.,  1003  ff.,  appear.  From  262  (npo^a)  to  280 
the  procession  is  in  motion.  This  march  is  impossible  on  a 
'stage,'  and  a  Biarcyla  above  a  'stage'  would  have  been  narrow 
quarters  for  the  wife  and  daughter. 

Since  if  he  does  not  persuade  the  chorus  he  is  willing  to  forfeit 
his  life,  Dikaiopolis  (365)  brings  the  tiri^rjvov  to  the  orchestra, 
where  the  chorus  is.  Therefore,  when  the  one  semichorus  seeks 
to  strike  him  (564  deveis),  but  is  prevented  from  doing  so  by  the 
other,  there  is  no  hint  that  the  choreutae  must  chmb  steps  in 
order  to  reach  the  object  of  their  enmity. 

It  is  hardly  conceivable  that  the  Boiotian  with  his  flute-players 
(863),  and  his  attendants  loaded  with  fish,  flesh  and  fowl  (874  ff., 
878  ff.),  could  have  entered  on  any  stage.  But  with  reference  to 
the  Megarian  a  word  is  used  which  is  held  to  prove  that  he  and 
his  daughters  enter  the  orchestra  and  ascend  to  a  stage,  afi^are 
norrrav  fiddBav  at  x  ^vpryri  ira  (731),  he  calls  to  his  children.     But  there 


\    ; 


s> 

is  no  reason  why  the  Megarian  should  enter  the  orchestra,  if  this 
was   not   the   customary    place   for   the    actors.      In   discussing 
Knights  149  we  shall  find  that  a^^are  signifies  simply  'enter.' 
In  his  drunken  elation  at  his  victory  in  the  drinking   bout, 

Dikaiopolis  cries  out  (1225)  nov  Vtii/  6  ^a(n\fvs;  anoSort  /xoi  TOP  naKOV, 

Previous  to  that  moment,  then,  he  has  not  received  his  prize. 
At  1230  the  chorus  calls  x«/>"  \a^<ov  rbv  octkov.  Between  1224  and 
1230  the  wine-skin  has  been  given  to  him,  probably  with  some 
joke  on  the  Archon  Basileus  (White).  This  could,  of  course, 
only  take  place  in  the  orchestra,  from  which  alone  approach  to 
the  seat  of  the  Archon  was  possible.  At  1231  Dikaiopolis  invites 
the  chorus  to  follow  him  singing.  This  they  do  1232  ff.,  and,  as 
a  matter  of  course,  this  procession  moves  from  the  orchestra 
through  the  parodos. 

Equites. 

The  scene  is  before  the  dwelling  of  Demos  (no  ff.,  234  flf.,  725 
ff.),  that  is,  the  Acropolis,  and  the  proskenion  represents  the 
propylaia  (1326),  not,  of  course,  that  of  Mnesikles,  but  the  lower 
gateway  to  the  citadel.  Probably  here,  as  in  the  Lysistrata, 
where  the  propylaia  is  also  represented,  the  ascending  road 
leading  to  the  Acropolis  entrance  was  indicated. 

Demosthenes   calls   to  the  sausage-seller  (147  flf.)  ^  /iOKtiptc  | 

oiCKavT&natKa^  dfvpo  ScCp'  2)  (/)tXTaT€,  |  dvd^aiv€   (rayTfjp  rrj  noXii   koI  v(ov 

<f>av€is.     In  Diibner  three  scholia  are  given  to  149 :  i.  avd^aivc  (rarfip 

T17  TToXci  •  "iva,  (f>r}(T\vy  €K  T^s  TTapodov  fTTt  TO  Xoyfiou  dva^Tj.  2.  fim  ti  ov¥ 
in  T^ff  Trapohov ;  tovto  yap  ovk  dpayKaiov,  X^KTfov  ovv  on  dpa^aiveip  cX/ycro 
TO  «irt  TO  \oy€'iop  elaiepai,  o  Koii  irpotrKHTai,  Xe-ycrat  yap  Kara^aipeip  to  diraX- 
Xdrrftrdai  ipTtvBfp  d-nb  tov  TraXatoO   Wovs*      3.   ft>r  iv  OvpeXij  Se  to  dpd^atpfi, 

Suidas  s.  v.  dpd^aipe  repeats  substantially  the  words  of  the  second 
scholiast.  Three  other  passages  in  Aristophanes  must  be  con- 
sidered with  the  above:  Ach.  731-2,  already  noted  ((J/ijSaTc) ; 
Wasps  1341,  where  Philokleon  calls  on  the  flute-player  to  enter 
(ava3ati/€);  and  Eccl.  1151  ff.,  in  which  the  choreutae  say  that 
while  the  actors  are  passing  off  (/caTajSatWtf)  they  will  sing  in 
accompaniment  (fWo-o/iai ;  cf.  Eurip.  Elect.  864  and  Hdt.  I  132, 
White). 

It  is  to  be  carefully  noted — 

I.  That  in  the  passages  cited  from  the  Achar.  and  Knights  no 
reason  is  apparent  why  the  actors  should  be  entering  by  other 
than  the  usual  way.  In  the  Eccl.  the  chorus  keep  their  word  and 
sing  the  accompaniment  as  the  procession  passes  from  the  theatre. 


( 


>t^ 


59 

2.  The  words  dpa^aipeip,  Kara^aipup  are  used  in  this  way  but  these 
four  times  in  all  the  extant  Greek  dramas ;  and  each  time  they 
refer  to  an  actor  or  mute  who  is  on  the  point  of  entering  or 
departing  by  a  side  entrance.  In  the  many  instances  in  which 
the  chorus  join  the  actors  or  leave  them  to  return  to  their 
customary  position,  these  words  are  never  used. 

3.  The  scholiasts  do  not  agree.  This  illustrates,  what  needed 
no  additional  illustration,  that,  while  there  is  a  very  large  amount 
of  valuable  information  in  the  scholia,  while  many  of  their  opinions 
go  back  to  excellent  authority,  there  are  scattered  through  the 
scholia  notes  made  by  men  who  were  not  in  a  position  to  know 
the  truth,  who  often  betray  most  lamentable  ignorance  of  the  real 
force  and  meaning  of  the  passages  on  which  they  commented. 
In  short,  the  unsupported  testimony  of  a  scholiast  cannot  be  cited 
as  authority  against  the  plain  teaching  of  the  dramas  themselves. 

The  words  of  the  second  scholiast  have  the  greatest  interest  for 
us.  Not  only  do  his  explanations  of  dpa^aUip  by  etVitVat  and  KaTa- 
fiaipfip  by  aTraWdrreadai  exactly  agree  with  what  the  situations  in  the 
various  plays  demand,  but  his  statement  that  these  meanings 
were  derived  dn6  tov  rraXaiov  eBovs  is  most  important.  The  ancient 
time  referred  to  is  that  mentioned  by  Pollux,  IV  123:  Aeiy  5'  ^p 

TpdneCa  dpxaia,  i<j>    fjp  npb  QcamSos  fU  tis  dpa^ds  ktX.      In  those  days 

before  Thespis  dpa^ds  meant  to  ascend  to  the  table.  In  the  later, 
the  time  of  the  scholiast,  for  example,  dpa-KaTa-8aiveip  had  come  to 
have  merely  the  technical  meaning  of  entering  and  retiring.  . 

The  third  scholiast  refers  the  words  of  the  text  to  ascending  to 
the  6vfi€\r},  but  to  a  BvfieXr}  to  which  actors  were  wont  to  ascend. 
His  idea  of  the  Bvp^ikr]  agrees  with  what  has  already  been  said  of 
this  portion  of  the  ^oj/xoV  (cf.  Part  I). 

The  entrances  and  exits  of  the  actors  in  all  four  of  the  passages 
cited  were  made,  then,  as  usual.  The  first  two  scholiasts,  however, 
mention  the  Xoyeroi*  as  a  well-known  portion  of  the  theatre.  This 
proves  neither  more  nor  less  than  at  the  time  in  which  they  lived 
the  stage  was  customary  in  the  theatre,  and,  so  far  as  they  knew, 
the  same  platform  was  in  use  in  classic  times.  We  know  nothing  of 
the  age  in  which  they  lived,  nor  of  the  authorities  they  may  have 
used.  Therefore  we  cannot  accept  their  testimony  where  it  conflicts 
with  the  evidence  of  all  the  extant  Greek  dramas— including  the  very 
one  on  which  they  have  commented — that  a  stage  never  existed  in 
the  classic  Greek  theatre  of  the  time  of  the  great  dramatists.* 

^  Cf.  White,  "  The  '  Stage'  in  Aristophanes,"  p.  164  ff.,  for  the  entire  discus- 
sion of  these  scholia. 


/ 


V 


yx) 


6o 

To  return  to  the  play.  The  chorus  enters  in  haste  (246).  naU 
(247),  SiWe  Kai  rdparre  (251),  they  cry.  They  themselves  take  an 
active  part  in  the  beating  and  pursuing  (252,  255  ff.,  271,  272, 
273).  There  would  be  no  room  for  this  lively  scene  on  a  *  stage,' 
nor  is  there  any  indication  that  the  chorus  mount  to  such  a  plat- 
form. In  451  ff.  the  choreutae  again  fall  upon  Kreon  and  pummel 
him.  The  action  is  again  quickly  agreed  upon  and  as  quickly 
executed.  The  actor  and  chorus  are  plainly  near  each  other, 
where  the  latter  can  fall  upon  their  enemy  and  pummel  him 
whenever  the  desire  seizes  them.  It  is  because  they  are  on  the 
same  level  with  the  actor  that  the  choreutae  (490  ff.)  easily  equip 
the  sausage-seller  for  the  coming  fray  with  the  flask  of  oil  and  the 
garlic.  At  919  ff.  again  no  barrier  exists  between  them  and  their 
champion,  as  they  hand  him  the  ladle  with  which  to  'skim  off'  the 

frothy  Kleon. 

Nudes, 

The  proskenion  represents  two  separate  buildings.  The  one 
before  which  father  and  son  are  sleeping  at  the  opening  of  the 
play,  from  which  Strepsiades  bids  the  servant  bring  forth  a  light 
and  his  writing-tablets  (18  f.),  into  which  Pheidippides  enters 
(125),  stands  till  the  end  of  the  play.  For  the  father  leads  his 
son  within  to  entertain  him  (12 12),  the  old  man's  creditors  call 
him  forth  (1221,  1258,  1320),  and  he  rushes  out  (1320),  calling 
for  help  because  he  is  being  beaten  by  his  son.  He  summons 
Xanthias  to  come  forth  (1485  f.).  bringing  with  him  the  imple- 
ments necessary  for  the  destruction  of  the  Phrontisterion.  Before 
this  dwelling  of  Strepsiades  is  the  statue  of  equestrian  Poseidon 

(83). 

But  the  building  of  chief  importance  in  the  play  is  the  'thinking- 
shop'  of  Socrates.  First  mentioned  in  92,  allusions  to  it  are 
frequent  (132,  183,  195,  506,  804,  1144,  etc.).  In  the  final  scene 
Strepsiades  and  his  servant  n)Ount  to  the  top  of  this  building 
(1487,  1502),  and  dig  down  through  the  roof  (1488,  1496). 
Finally  they  set  fire  to  the  house  (149O1  i494.  i497»  ^5^4)- 
There  is  a  real  climbing  from  the  orchestra  to  the  top  of  the 
proskenion,  hence  the  <cXi>a««  mentioned  by  Pollux  are  used. 

The  two  houses  are  quite  separate  and  distinct.  There  is  no 
room  for  them  on  a  narrow  'stage.'  A  distegia  two  feet  wide 
could  not  represent  the  roof  in  this  case;  it  would  not  afford 
space  sufficient  for  the  action.  It  is  incredible  that  fire  should  be 
applied  to  scenery  the  continuation  of  which  represents  the  entire 


/ 


T 


( 


■    ( 


61 

background,  including  the  house  of  Strepsiades  himself.  These 
difficulties  all  disappear  when  it  is  granted  that  these  buildings 
stood  as  separate  houses  on  that  space  later  occupied  by  the 
stone  proskenia,  such  as  those  of  Oropos  and  Eretria. 

Vespae. 

The  house  of  Philokleon  is  realistically  represented  (142  ff., 
172  ff.,  196  ff ,  317  ff ,  456,  1484  ff ).  Bdelykleon,  who  is  sleeping 
on  the  roof  as  the  play  begins,  drives  his  father  back  as  he 
attempts  to  escape  through  the  chimney  (142  ff ).  But  the  old 
man  again  appears  on  the  roof  (202  ff ),  and  later  on  (379  f )  tries 
to  lower  himself  from  a  window  with  a  cord.  This  roof  could  not 
have  been  represented  by  such  a  8i<rT€yia  as  MuUer  and  Haigh 
have  imagined. 

The  scene  (170  ff )  in  which  the  ass  is  led  forth  with  Philokleon 
clinging  beneath  his  belly,  like  Odysseus  beneath  the  ram  in  the 
Odyssey,  just  as  all  scenes  in  which  animals  were  introduced, 
could  only  take  place  in  the  orchestra. 

The  road  by  which  the  chorus  of  dikasts  appears  (228)  is  a 
street  of  the  city  (247  ff ).     They  halt  before  the  house  of  Philo- 
kleon to  wait  for  his  appearance.     The  houses  of  Athens  were 
certainly  not  perched  on  platforms  twelve  feet  above  the  street. 
On  the  supposition  of  a  'stage,'  in  the  duet  following  the  appear- 
ance of  the  chorus,  Philokleon  would  have  been  some  20  to  25  feet 
above  his  fellow-dikasts  (White).     When  his  attempted  escape  is 
prevented  (394),  he  calls  upon  the   chorus  (402)  to  keep  the 
promise  they  made  (383)  to  defend  him.     The  choreutae  prepare 
to  obey  (420,  423),  and  rush  upon  the  actors  (453  ff ),  are  beaten 
back  by  Xanthus,  suffocated  with  smoke  (457),  again  clubbed 
(458).     Though  much  is  said  of  rushing  forward   and  driving 
back,  there  is  not  one  word  of  ascending  or  descending.     Not  till 
727  do  the  choreutae  finally  throw  aside  their  stones.     From  the 
moment  that  the  choreutae  first  appear  before  the  dwelling  till 
their  weapons  are  finally  laid  down,  the  text  clearly  assumes  that 
the  door  of  the  house  opens  on  the  level  of  the  orchestra. 

dvd^atve  (1342)  needs  butaword  of  additional  explanation^  here. 
Philokleon  and  the  girl  enter  together,  for  he  has  just  stolen  her 
and  brought  her  away  from  his  boon  companions.  They  come 
in  (1325)  to  the  same  level  just  occupied  by  Xanthias,  or  he 
would  not  be  so  fearful  of  receiving  another  drubbing  (1324). 

^  Cf.  discussion  of  Knights,  147  ff. 


:^  0 


/ 


y 


62 

The  pursuing  Bdelykleon  and  the  avunoTai  must  appear  in  the 
same  portion  of  the  theatre  (1331).  The  old  man  drives  his 
pursuers  back,  leads  the  flute-player  farther  in,  where  Bdelykleon 
again  finds  them  (1363).  From  1325  ^o  i363»  then,  the  actors 
occupy  their  usual  portion  of  the  theatre,  and  the  drunken  old 
man  neither  climbs  to  a  'stage'  himself,  nor  drags  his  flute-girl 

up  to  one. 

It  is  now  so  commonly  admitted  (cf.  White,  168)  that  Kam^areop 
y  <V  avToCs  (1514)  means  zn  ceriamen  descender e  that  it  is  hardly 
necessary  to  say  that  no  change  of  level  is  implied  here.  The 
chorus  make  room  for  Philokleon  and  the  sons  of  Karkinos  ' 
(15 16),  and  sing  the  accompaniment  for  the  dance  which  follows. 
Finally  all  the  occupants  of  the  scene  go  dancing  off"  through  the 
parodos  together  (1535  A".)-  To  complete  the  proof  that  the 
entire  play  has  been  presented  in  the  orchestra,  we  need  simply 
note  that  the  sons  of  Karkinos,  though  mutes,  plainly  appear  in 
the  orchestra,  and  that  the  violent  motions  of  Philokleon  (1484  ff".) 
could  not  be  safely  made  by  a  drunken  man  on  a  narrow  'stage.' 

Pax. 

The  change  from  earth  to  heaven  and  from  heaven  back  to 
earth  has  given  commentators  more  trouble,  perhaps,  than  has 
any  other  passage  of  our  poet.  It  is  natural,  however,  that  the 
scene  before  the  palace  of  Zeus  should  take  place  on  the  theolo- 
geion,  where  the  gods  were  accustomed  to  appear. 

The  figure  of  Peace  was  of  great  size  (schol.  Plato,  Apol.  19,  C). 
Hermes  says  she  has  been  cast  into  a  deep  cave  (223),  below 
where  he  and  Trygaios  are  standing  (224).  The  latter  has 
actually  ascended  through  the  air  (149  ff".,  174  f.).  The  platform 
on  which  he  has  landed  is  large  enough  to  contain  himself, 
Hermes,  the  great  statue,  Theoria,  and  Opora.  The  scholiast  to 
727  informs  us  that  Trygaios  and  the  two  maidens  descend  to  the 
orchestra  by  means  of  klimakes.  These  suggestions  all  point  to 
the  roof  of  the  proskenion  as  the  location  of  heaven.  But  we 
cannot  accept  the  additional  statement  of  the  scholiast  just  quoted, 
that  probably  (to-©?)  the  chorus  has  also  been  in  heaven  with  the 
actors.  It  is  composed  of  y«ofyyci)p  'AOfioveav  (Dramatis  Personae, 
Codex  V)  and  comes  in  (300)  calling  to  Trygaios  to  direct  them. 
The  dance  which  follows  (322  ff".)  would  be  possible  only  in  the 
orchestra.  Accompanying  them  is  a  crowd  of  Boiotians  (466), 
Argives  (475,  494)1  Spartans  (478),  Megarians  (481,  500),  and 


] 


f  ■ 


f 


> 


i 


•  ( 


63 

Lamachos  (473).  This  numerous  company  is  possible  only  in 
the  orchestra.  The  absurdity  of  the  chorus  and  their  companions 
tugging  away  in  the  orchestra,  on  earth,  while  Hermes  and  Try- 
gaios are  directing  them  from  the  heavens,  is  not  so  great  as  the 
absurdity  of  allowing  the  chorus  to  climb  by  some  means  to  that 
heaven  to  which  Trygaios  only  attained  by  the  flight  of  his  beetle 
(cf.  Capps,  p.  76  f.).  In  the  Peace,  then,  we  have  the  only  instance 
in  the  classic  drama  of  the  use  of  the  so-called  stage  by  the  actors 
for  any  considerable  time.  At  the  bidding  of  Hermes  (427) 
some  of  the  choreutae  enter  (eiVtdj/rer)  the  proskenion,  in  order 
to  'remove  the  stones*  and  so  prepare  for  the  raising  of  the 
goddess. 

Trygaios  appeals  (881  f.)  to  the  audience  to  inform  him  who  is 
to  care  for  Theoria,  then  adds  that  he  will  himself  lead  to  a  posi- 
tion in  their  midst.  He  invites  the  Prytanis  to  receive  her  (905), 
then  cries  (906)  $€aa  as  npoBvfias  6  TTpvTavis  rrapedt^aro.  There  can 
be  no  doubt  that  Theoria  actually  goes  to  the  spectators'  seats. 

962.      Tryg.   Koi.  Tois  Bearais  pinn  roiv  KpiBav*      Oik.  Ibov, 
Tryg.   edcuKas  fjbr};   Oik.   vrj  top  'Eppfjv  aan  ye 
rovToav  oaomep  elai  rSiV  detofitvap 
ovK  eoTip  oifdeis  oaris  ov  Kpi0f)p  e;^«. 

In  the  Wasps,  58  f.,  we  find 

rjpip  yap  ovk  ear   ovre  Kapv    ck  (f}opfudos 
dovXoi  diapptiTTovpTe  rots  deaptpois. 

In  Plutus,  797  ff". 

ov  yap  rrpirrades  €<tti  tw  didaoKoXa 
laxaBia  Ka\  TpayaXia  rois  Seafxepois 
npo^aXoPT  ,  f  TTt  TovTOis  €tT    dpayKa^dP  yeXap. 

These  passages  prove  what  was  the  custom  in  the  time  of 
Aristophanes.  There  was  undoubtedly,  then,  an  actual  throwing 
of  the  barley  in  Peace,  962  ff".  The  sacrifice  is  therefore  being 
offered  in  the  orchestra,  from  which  alone  the  barley  could  be 
thrown  among  the  spectators.  Since  the  actors  were  in  the 
orchestra,  the  direction  of  Trygaios  (1305  f.)  to  the  chorus  to  eat 
all  that  remains  is  easily  understood,  and  the  choreutae  readily 
join  the  procession  which  escorts  the  'happy  pair'  from  the 
theatre  at  the  end. 


/  r  ^ 


o 


( 


64 


Aves. 

It  is  necessary  to  ascend  the  bushy  hillside  (i,  92,  202,  208, 
224,  265)  in  order  to  reach  the  mouth  of  the  cavern  where  the 
Epops  dwells  (51  ff.,  92,  646  ff.),  for  Euelpides  declares  (8)  that 
he  has  worn  off  his  toe-nails  in  following  the  directions  of  his 
Jackdaw,  and  asks  the  bird  if  he  proposes  to  lead  them  down  the 
rocks  (20).  From  i  to  51  the  actors  are  plainly  wandering  hither 
and  thither,  in  obedience  to  the  motions  of  their  feathery  guides. 
This  play,  like  the  Prometheus  and  the  Philoktetes,  could  not  be 
'set'  on  a  'stage,'  and  the  actors  have  evidently  entered  by  the 
parodos. 

175*  /SXc^ov  Kara).      Ep.   koI  drj  jSXeVco.      Pel.   ^Xent  vvv  avca. 

Ep.  /SXcVo).      Pel.  rrepta-yc  top  rpd)(r}\ov.      Ep.  vrj  Ala, 
airoXavfToiJiat  ti  5  ,  ct  diaaTpacjiTjaofiai. 

^Xfyjrov  KaVo)  has  been  cited  as  a  strong  argument  that  the  actors 
were  standing  on  a  stage  when  these  words  were  uttered  (Miiller, 
B.-A.,  S.  109).  But  the  bushy  hillside  rising  from  the  level  of 
the  orchestra  offers  practically  as  good  an  opportunity  for  looking 
down  as  does  M tiller's  stage.  The  whole  passage,  however,  is 
no  more  to  be  taken  seriously  than  is  the  command  to  the 
sausage-seller  (Knights,  169  ff.)  to  mount  his  dresser  and  take  a 
look  at  the  islands. 

The  first  four  birds  (227  ff.)  come  apparently  from  different 
directions,  for  Peisth.  says  the  second  one  comes  from  an  unlucky 
quarter  (275).  The  chorus  proper  appear  in  the  parodos  (296), 
and  come  slowly  in,  that  their  appearance  may  be  duly  appre- 
ciated. They  are  evidently  at  a  distance  when  they  ask  (310) 
irov  /i'  ap'  OS  f*caXf(rc/  and  they  do  not  perceive  the  two  strangers 
till  after  326,  when  Epops  calls  their  attention  to  the  two  mortals. 
In  rage  they  exhort  one  another  to  attack  the  intruders  (344). 
KVKXaaai  (345)  implies  that  the  birds  can  surround  their  enemies. 
The  two  men  in  terror  seize  on  whatever  comes  to  hand  for 
protection  (353,  357,  361),  but  the  birds  attack  them  at  close 
quarters  (364  ff ).  Not  till  480  does  the  Epops  finally  persuade 
them  to  retire.  As  in  all  the  other  scenes  in  which  steps  must  be 
ascended  to  reach  a  stage,  if  a  stage  exists,  there  is  no  word  of 
the  text  which  signifies  ascending.  It  is  plain  also  that  no 
impediment  exists  to  the  free  intermingling  of  actors  and  chorus. 
The  following  scene,  in  which   Peisth.  explains  his  plans,  gains 


)  i  ( 


} 


( 


65 

vastly  when  it  is  understood  that  the  actor  is  not  preaching  to 
the  birds  from  the  top  of  a  stage,  but  is  talking  to  them  as  a 
sharer  of  the  same  scene  with  themselves. 

The  close  (1720  ff )  but  emphasizes  the  teaching  of  the  earlier 
portions  of  the  play.  The  chorus  sings  livay^,  bUx^,  rrapayc,  mipfx^f 
TTfpnreTeade,  as  Peisth.  and  his  bride  appear.  The  bridegroom, 
delighted  with  their  hymn,  invites  them  to  follow  in  the  marriage- 
train  (1755);  and,  as  he  leads  the  way  out  dancing  (1761)  with 
his  bride,  the  birds  follow  singing  (1763  ff ). 

Lysisfrafa, 

Though  Lysistrata  has  sent  the  older  women  to  seize  the 
citadel,  her  purpose  in  calling  the  assembly  of  the  women  is  to 
persuade  them  to  join  in  the  movement.  The  acropolis  is  the 
goal  to  which  they  are  to  move,  and  immediately  after  the 
assembly  of  women  have  sworn  to  follow  the  leadership  of 
Lysistrata,  the  shout  of  those  who  have  taken  possession  of  the 
citadel  is  heard  from  within.  On  the  deep  stage  of  the  modern 
opera-house  a  street  scene  in  the  foreground,  with  an  acropolis 
in  the  distance,  is  easily  represented,  and  the  audience  readily 
believes  that  the  cry  from  behind  the  scenes  comes  from  the 
citadel.  Stage  or  no  stage,  such  scenic  effects  were  impossible 
in  the  Greek  theatre.  If  the  cry  is  to  be  understood  as  coming 
from  the  acropolis,  then  the  propylaia  must  be  represented  before 
the  eyes  of  the  audience  at  the  moment  when  the  cry  is  heard. 
This  view  is  supported  by  the  words  of  Lysistrata  (246) :  ^wffi- 
^dXapep  uaiovfTai  tovs  poxXovs,  words  which  imply  entering  the  gates 
which  are  before  them.     No  change  of  scene  takes  place  then, 

and    €^€pxfTai    (5),   and    <j)€p€T(o    kvXiko.   tis   tvbo6ev    Koi    arapviov    (199) 

imply  actions  which  occurred  before  the  acropolis  entrance. 

That  the  ascending  road  to  the  propylaia  could  not  be  repre- 
sented on  a  *  stage '  has  been  shown  above.  That  it  actually  was 
represented  we  learn  from  287  f. :  \oin6v  ean  x<^p'^ov  \  to  npos  ttoXh/, 
TO  cripop,  ol  (T-novbqv  €;^o>.     The  scholion  to  TO  (Tipov  fDubner,  288) 

explams  t6  aipov'  ovopa  x<^ptov  rrept  Trjp  aKponoXip  dpTi  tov  npoaapTes* 
rj  opopa  x<^P^ov  (koi  ip  Ha^vXapiois  "  p€(TT}v  epetSf  npos  to  o-t/idi/").  /cal 
nXaro)!/   fp   NiKnis    tovti    tt poa-ava^rjpai  to   crifiop   Set.      to   fripop    not    only 

means  an  ascent,  then,  but  was  the  name  of  the  ascent  leading  to 
the  acropolis.  The  absurdity  of  making  the  words  refer  to  a 
flight  of  steps  is  apparent.  That  an  inclined  plane  led  from  the 
orchestra  to  a  'stage'  is  equally  incredible.     As  in  the  similar 


f 


66 


scenes  already  discussed,  the  ground  rises  from  the  orchestra 
level  to  the  front  of  the  proskenion,  on  which  is  represented  the 
required  scene.  This  ascent,  enough  to  give  the  suggestion  of 
reality  to  the  spectators,  was  not  sufficient  to  prevent  the  free  move- 
ment of  actors  and  chorus,  nor  to  serve  as  a  barrier  between  them. 

In  829  ff.  Lysistrata,  Myrrhina  and  the  day  guards  appear, 
move  and  act  on  the  wall  above  the  entrance  (864  and  schol.,  873 
and  schol.,  883).  As  often  remarked  in  the  foregoing  pages,  the 
dioTfyla,  as  it  was  possible  above  a  stage,  could  not  have  afforded 
room  for  so  many  people.  They  appear  on  the  roof  of  the 
proskenion. 

The  four  orchestic  movements  256-265,  271-280,  286-295,  296- 
305,  were  of  course  executed  in  the  orchestra.  At  306  the  chorus 
of  men  turn  to  the  gates  of  the  acropolis,  and,  their  burdens  being 
deposited  on  the  ground  (307,  314),  they  prepare  to  set  fire  to  the 
gates  (308,  311,  316).  They  are  here  close  in  front  of  the  gates, 
on  the  stage,  if  stage  there  be.  Therefore  the  chorus  of  women, 
as  they  enter  with  water  to  the  rescue  of  their  fellow-women  (318, 
334),  do  not  reach  the  men  till  after  the  orchestic  movement  (321- 
334,  335-349)  in  the  orchestra  is  ended.  Not  till  350  do  they 
approach  the  men,  who  turn  to  face  them  (352).  All  are  on  the 
same  level,  for  the  talk  is  of  beating  (357,  364),  of  seizing  (359), 
of  striking  (360,  366)  ;  the  women  invite  the  men  to  come  forward 
(365)  5  the  men  threaten  to  scorch  the  women  (376)  and  to  burn 
their  hair  (381).  The  women  reply  by  drenching  their  opponents 
wit'i  the  contents  of  their  water-pots.  In  this  connection  the 
scholiast  is  cited  to  prove  that  the  women  were  on  a  stage  above 
the  men. 

Schol.  m  321  I  neroVf  ntrov'  vvv  earip  rjfxixnpiov  ro  Xe'yov  e/c  yvvaiKcav 
«i(Tfpxofi€Votv  (ivcodcv,  Iva  Koi  to  vdoip  avTci)v  KaraxfttXTiv  ava>d€V.  to  de  aWo 
r)fJin(6piov  €^  dvdpav  KoroiQiv  infpxppiviov  rais  ev  Trj  d<po7roXft  etff  noXiopKiav. 

The  imagination  of  the  scholiast  has  been  caught  by  the  drenching 
scene  (381  ff.),  and  he  wishes  the  effect  of  height  for  this.  Hence 
arises  his  use  of  ava0€v  and  KOTaBev.  We  have  noted  above  why 
the  chorus  of  women  came  in  on  the  level  of  the  orchestra,  it 
remains  to  give  the  reasons  why  they  could  not  have  entered  on 
a  *  stage.'  The  chorus  of  men  has  dragged  their  burden  up  the 
TO  aifxov  (286,  287  ff.)  and  deposited  it  (306  ff.),  so  they  can  no 
longer  be  spoken  of  as  coming  up  from  below.  Had  the  chorus 
of  women  entered  on  a  'stage,'  their  first  orchestic  movement^ 

*Cf.  Arnoldt,  Die  Chorparteien  bei  Euripides,  S.  80  fF. 


)   ' 


k 


( 


67 

must  have  been  performed  there  (321-349),  and  they  must  have 
remained  till  541  ff.  and  performed  this  dance  also  on  the  *  stage.' 
For  they  are  on  the  same  level  with  the  magistrate  (386  ff.)  Not 
till  539  do  they  announce  that  they  leave  their  pitchers  to  engage 
in  the  dance. 

But  there  are  present  on  this  'stage'  the  chorus  of  women,  the 
magistrate  (387  ff.),  the  servants  with  the  levers  (424  ff.),  Lysis- 
trata (430  ff.),  first  woman  (439  f ),  second  woman  (443  f ),  third 
woman  (447  f.),  at  least  four  different  policemen  to  contend  with 
the  four  women  (433  ff.,  441  f.,  445,  449,  451,  455,  462),  and  a 
crowd  of  women  from  the  acropolis  (456  ff.).  That  such  numbers, 
in  a  scene  of  the  liveliest  possible  action,  could  be  accommodated 
on  a  Greek  'stage'  is  an  utter  impossibility,  and  we  must  simply 
infer  that  the  scholiast  to  321  had  no  better  authority  for  his  words 
than  his  own  imagination.^ 

Though  at  the  close  of  the  play  the  text  is  very  corrupt,  and 
though  many  of  the  various  readings  have  unquestionably  been 
adapted  with  the  view  of  making  representation  on  a  stage 
possible,  it  is  yet  clear  that  there  is  the  easiest  possible  commu- 
nication between  the  entrance  to  the  acropolis  and  the  orchestra. 
Actors  and  chorus,  Spartans,  Athenians,  and  the  women  all  pass 
in  and  out  with  ease.  Room  for  the  dances  of  the  Athenians  and 
Spartans  (1243,  1246,  1277,  1279,  1317)  with  their  wives  existed 
only  in  the  orchestra,  and  therefore  from  the  orchestra  all  departed 
at  the  end.  In  fact,  for,  the  Lysistrata  the  only  means  to  avoid 
building  the  'stage'  on  a  level  with  the  orchestra  is  to  construct 
an  orchestra  on  a  level  with  the  stage,  which  has  been  shown 
(Part  I)  to  be  an  impossibility. 

Thesmophoriazusae, 

The  assembly  scene  alone  need  claim  our  attention.  Mnesikles, 
dressed  as  a  woman,  with  his  servant  Thratta,  approaches  the 
Thesmophorion  (279).  They  sacrifice  a  cake  to  the  goddesses 
(285).  Mnesikles  offers  prayer  at  the  altar  (286),  and  seeks  a 
good  place  among  the  seats  where  he  may  sit  down  and  listen  to 
the  orators  (292  f.).  The  herald  proclaims  silence  (295  f.).  The 
prayers  customary  in  opening  an  assembly  are  offered  (296  ff.), 
in  which  the  chorus  join  (312  ff.).  The  irpo^ovXevfia  is  read  (372  ff.). 
The  call  for  speakers  is  given  (379).     The  speaker  is  crowned 

^  For  the  discussion  of  the  entire  play  see  White,  p.  202  fF. 


f 


68 


before  addressing  the  assembly  (380).  Two  of  the  women  leave 
their  seats  and  come  forward  and  speak  (380.  443),  followed  by 
Mnesikles  (466).  Kleisthenes  brings  news  that  an  intruder  is 
among  them  (573),  and  joins  in  the  search  which  follows  (598  ff.), 
and,  with  the  assistance  of  the  choreutae,  discovers  the  culprit 
(628  ff.)«  The  chorus  kindles  torches  and  searches  through  the 
entire  precinct,  and  has  an  active  part  to  perform  with  the  herald 
(312  ff.),  as  well  as  with  the  speakers  (434  ff.,  459  ff.,  520  ff.)  and 
with  Kleisthenes  (582  ff.)-  Mnesikles  seizes  the  child  from  its 
nurse  (689)  and  flees  to  the  altar  (693).  In  response  to  the 
mother's  call  for  assistance  the  chorus  advise  to  set  him  on  fire. 
Throughout  the  entire  scene  actor  is  distinguishable  from  the 
chorus  in  no  way  ;  all  are  together,  and  it  need  hardly  be  remarked 
that  the  orchestra  alone  affords  the  required  space.  As  usual,  we 
have  emphatic  testimony  that  actors  and  chorus  must  be  together 
in  important  portions  of  the  play,  while  no  situation  is  discoverable 
which  renders  it  either  necessary  or  desirable  that  they  be  separated 
by  a  stage. 

Ecclesiazusae, 

The  proskenion  is  most  interesting  because  it  must  have  repre- 
sented several  houses,  before  which,  through  the  orchestra,  ran  a 
street  of  the  city.  Praxagora  appears  from  her  dwelling  in  the 
opening  scene,  as  we  learn  from  310,  when  her  husband  enters 
under  circumstances  which  render  it  necessary  that  he  come 
directly  from  the  house.  At  491  also  the  chorus  declares  that 
they  are  again  before  the  dwelling  of  their  general.  Later 
Praxagora  wishes  to  creep  in  unobserved  (511),  but  is  prevented 
by  the  appearance  of  Blepyros  (519).  The  greeting  of  the  maid 
to  the  chorus  and  neighbors  (11 14  f)  testifies  that  the  same  house 
is  visible  to  the  end.  The  other  dwellings  are  the  house  of  the 
neighbor  (34),  of  the  first  citizen  (731  ff.),  of  the  first  old  woman 
(977,  990,  997,  1005),  of  the  young  woman  (962,  976,  989),  of  the 
second  old  woman  (1093  ff.).  Here  are  six  dwellings  mentioned 
as  visible  on  the  scene.  It  is  about  as  hopeless  to  try  and  recon- 
cile them  with  the  three  stage-doors  of  Pollux  as  it  is  to  attempt 
to  prove  that  they  fronted  on  a  narrow  'stage.' 

The  assembly  scene  is  again  interesting.  The  chorus  enters  at 
30,  the  neighbor  at  35,  three  others  at  41  f,  another  46,  still 
another  49,  two  more  at  51,  and  many  at  52.  All  take  seats  (57), 
the  rite  of  purification  is  travestied  (128),  the  call  for  the  speaker 
is  given  (130),  and  the  orators  are  crowned  (122,  131).     Then  the 


t; 


\ 


^ 


i 


-f 


69 

leader  instructs  them  what  to  do  in  the  real  assembly.  Not  only 
is  the  orchestra  the  only  place  large  enough  to  contain  such  an 
assembly,  but  there  is  again  absolutely  no  way  of  distinguishing 
actors,  mutes  and  chorus  till  Praxagora  and  her  companions  hasten 
forth  (284),  to  be  followed  by  the  chorus  singing  the  ode  289-310. 

The  chorus  reappear  at  477,  but  stop  in  the  shelter  of  the 
parodos  wall  to  remove  their  disguises  (cf.  Miiller,  B.-A.,  S.  135). 
Praxagoras  arrives  (503)  while  they  are  still  busy  with  this  work, and 
bids  her  servant  (509  f.)  put  the  clothing  in  order.  This  command 
cannot  be  meant  for  the  choreutae,  for  they  respond  to  the  direc- 
tion to  lay  aside  their  garments  (514  ff.).  Orders  are  constantly 
given  without  mention  of  names,  as  in  the  Peace  937,  956,  960  f., 
1 100,  1 193,  and  the  Birds  435,  947,  95^,  1309  (White,  p.  182). 
Mistress  and  servant  are  therefore  in  the  orchestra  with  the  chorus. 

Of  Kara3atVciff  (1152)  and  the  procession  with  which  the  play 
closes  enough  has  already  been  said  in  connection  with  the  dis- 
cussion of  the  Knights  147  ff  It  is  sufficient  here  to  call  attention 
to  the  fact  that,  while  the  text  contains  no  hint  of  a  'stage,'  actors 
and  chorus  are  in  the  orchestra  together  at  the  beginning,  middle 
and  end  of  the  play. 

Ranae. 

Because  of  the  extraordinary  nature  of  the  scenes  pictured  on 
earth,  on  the  Lake  of  Acheron  and  in  Hades,  doubts  must  ever 
exist  as  to  how  much  was  actually  represented  and  how  much  was 
left  to  the  imagination  of  the  audience.  It  is  impossible  to  assign 
a  separate  portion  of  the  theatre  to  each  of  the  above-mentioned 
localities.  Therefore,  if  the  scenery  did  not  actually  change,  it 
was  assumed  by  the  poet  the  spectators  would  conceive  the  loca- 
tion of  the  action  altered  as  often  as  he  invited  them  to  do  so. 

Dionysos  and  Xanthias  enter  the  orchestra,  for  the  latter  is 
mounted  on  an  ass  (23,  25,  27,  31  f.,  35).  The  god  approaches 
the  house  of  Herakles  and  raps  (36).  The  interview  with  the 
hero  being  ended,  Charon's  boat  appears  (182,  188,  190,  202), 
Dionysos  embarks  (188, 190),  and  the  voyage  begins.  Knowledge 
of  the  later  Xo-yctoi;  has  confused  the  scholiast  to  181,  so  that  he  is 
in  doubt  whether  Acheron  is  on  the  Xoyeloi/  or  in  the  orchestra. 
Since  the  god  entered  the  orchestra  in  the  beginning,  we  could 
hardly  expect  him  to  mount  to  a  'stage'  to  find  the  stream  of 
Acheron.  The  full  proof  that  he  continues  in  the  orchestra  is 
found  in  the  scene  just  after  his  landing  in  the  under  world. 
Here  Dionysos  is  thoroughly  frightened  by  the  monsters  which 


70 


71 


Xanthias  describes  as  present.  When  the  Empusa  appears,  the 
god,  in  mortal  terror,  rushes  to  his  priest,  who  occupies  the  seat 
of  honor  in  the  middle  of  the  row  of  dpovoi,  crying  (297)  Uptv 
Bia<f>v\a^6p  /x'  ti/'  2>  <roi  ^vixTrorrjs.     Of  the  actual  running  Xanthias 

gives   testimony   (301    W^   §nfp   epX"«      Bevpo  fi«vp'   &  deanoTo).      1  he 

scholiast  declares  that  he  runs  and  hides  behind  the  chair  of  his 
priest,  a  statement  which  we  readily  accept  after  a  comparison 
with  the  action  of  Theoria  (Peace  906-7)  and  with  that  of  the 
slave  throwing  barley  to  the  spectators  (Peace  962). 

As  is  the  case  so  often  in  Aristophanes,  the  final  scene  strongly 
supports  the  testimony  of  the  earlier  portions  of  the  play,  that  no 
stage  could  have  existed.  The  trial  scene  is  over,  and  Aischylos 
is  to  return  to  the  upper  world.  The  numbers  present  again 
demonstrate  that  this  scene  has  been  acted  in  the  orchestra. 
Pluto  gives  the  command  to  the  chorus  (1524  ff.)  c^aiWre  roivw  vpeis 

TovTO}  I  Xapnddas  Upds,  x    "/*<»  TrpoTrefiwcTC  |  roia-iv  tovtov  tovtov  pikeaiv  J 

Koi  (ioXnaicrip  KiXadoivTfs.  The  chorus  obeys,  and  moves  with 
Dionysos,  Aischylos  and  Xanthias  from  the  theatre. 

Pluius. 

But  two  scenes  need  mention.  Chremylos  bids  Kario  (222  f.) 
go  forth  and  summon  rovi  ^vyyfa>pyovs,  who  form  the  chorus.  The 
servant  obeys,  and  appears  with  them  in  the  parodos  (253  ff.), 
urging  them  to  hasten  to  reach  the  house  of  his  master.  They 
threaten  to  club  him  (271  f.)  for  humbugging  them,  and  after  a 
few  lines  he  declares  that  he  will  lead  them  in  the  dance  (290  f.) 
which  follows.  In  this  last  play  of  our  poet,  then,  we  find  this 
testimony,  which  puts  beyond  question  that  actor  and  chorus  are 
together  in  the  orchestra,  and  no  reason  anywhere  appears  for  the 
existence  of  a  stage.  In  1208  ff.  we  learn  that  the  chorus  again 
goes  from  the  theatre  in  procession  with  the  actors.  Thus,  in  his 
last  words,  Aristophanes  puts  the  seal  of  his  condemnation  on  any 
theory  which  shall  separate  actors  and  chorus  by  any  artificial 
difference  of  level. 

The  same  striving  after  realism  appears  in  the  scenery  of  some 
of  the  plays  of  Euripides  as  in  the  tattered  garments  of  certain  of 
his  characters.  Nowhere  in  the  two  older  tragedians  are  there 
such  indications  of  realism  as  we  find  in  the  description  of  the 
temple  in  Iph.  Taur.  70  ff.,  and  of  the  metopes  in  Ion  190  ff. 
Instead  of  the   usual   palace,  a  peasant's  hut  is  shown   in  the 


4 


Electra.  The  palace  shakes  in  the  Bacchae,  and  falls  partially  in 
ruins  in  Hercules  Furens.  In  Andromache  two  buildings,  the 
shrine  and  the  palace,  are  shown.  The  burning  on  the  roof  of 
the  palace  in  Orestes  and  the  burning  pyre  in  the  Suppliants  are 
entirely  new  features. 

In  Aristophanes  the  innovations  are  yet  more  marked.  Heaven 
and  earth  are  represented  in  the  Peace ;  earth.  Hades,  and  the 
stream  of  Acheron  in  the  Frogs.  Not  only  are  two  buildings  on 
the  scene  in  the  Clouds,  three  in  the  Acharnians,  and  several  in 
the  Ecclesiazusae,  but  such  passages  as  those  where  the  actor  will 
climb  from  the  chimney  or  through  a  window  in  the  Wasps,  and 
sits  at  a  window  in  Eccl.,  and  burns  down  the  Phrontisterion  in 
the  Clouds,  also  show  a  striking  advance  in  the  construction  of 
scenery.  The  Sto-reyi'a  is  used  to  an  extraordinary  extent  in  the 
Peace.  All  these  indications  give  warrant  for  believing  that  in  the 
Knights  and  in  the  Lysistrata  the  entrance  to  the  acropolis  is 
accurately  represented.  The  testimony  of  the  dramas  themselves 
fully  proves  that  the  actors  and  the  chorus  can  no  more  be  sepa- 
rated from  each  other  by  the  barrier  of  a  stage  in  the  dramas  of 
Euripides  and  Aristophanes  than  in  those  of  Aischylos. 

To  compare  in  a  word  the  summaries  of  the  three  periods  of 
the  classic  drama  as  they  have  been  considered  in  the  foregoing 
pages,  from  the  earliest  play  of  Aischylos  to  the  latest  of  Aristo- 
phanes, there  is  apparent  a  steady  development  in  the  scenery 
used.  No  fixed  npoaKrjviov  could  have  fulfilled  the  requirements 
of  the  plays  of  the  V  century.  The  scene  appropriate  for  each 
drama  was  erected  on  the  floor  of  the  orchestra,  in  front  of  the 

trKrjvrj, 

The  argument  that  in  the  V  century  no  stage  existed,  that  there 
was  but  one  entrance,  the  ndpodos,  on  each  side  of  the  scene,  and 
that  actors,  chorus  and  mutes  all  performed  their  respective  parts 
in  the  orchestra  may  be  summarized  as  follows : 

1.  The  few  instances  in  the  dramas  which  at  first  glance  favor 
the  idea  that  a  stage  existed  admit  of  other  and  more  logical 
explanations. 

2.  Although  there  are  very  many  passages  in  which  the  chorus 
is  bidden  to  advance  to  the  position  occupied  by  actors,  or  to 
retire  from  this,  in  none  of  these  passages  is  an  expression  used 
which  can  be  construed  as  a  direction  to  ascend  or  descend.  Had 
a  stage  existed,  some  command  to  the  chorus  indicating  the  differ- 
ence of  level  between  stage  and  orchestra  must  have  found  its  way 
into  the  text  of  some  one,  at  least,  of  these  passages. 


f 


i^ 


\ 


72 

3.  In  situations  where  there  is  no  call  for  them  to  be  on  a 
*  stage,' the  choreutae  make  minute  observations  concerning  actors 
or  scenery,  observations  which  they  could  not  make  from  the 
orchestra  over  the  edge  of  the  so-called  'stage.'  Cf.  Aiax  346, 
364,  911  f.;  Soph.  Elect.  818;  Trach.  964  ff.;  Philoc.  861 ;  Alcest. 
98  ff.,  392;  Hec.  486  f.;  Here.  Fur.  748,  1029;  Orest.  208  ff. 

Actors,  on  entering,  see  and  converse  with  the  choreutae  first, 
though  actors  are  present  and  the  situation  demands  that  they  be 
first  addressed.  Cf.  Persae  249  ff.;  Oed.  Rex  924;  Soph.  Elect. 
660  ff.,  1098  ff.;  Philoc.  219;  Eur.  Elect.  109  ff.;  Cyc.  96. 

4.  Where  no  mention  is  made  of  actual  personal  contact,  the 
relations  between  actors  and  chorus  are  of  so  intimate  a  character 
that  no  barrier  could  have  existed  between  them.  Cf.  Septem 
677  ff.;  Choeph.  983;  Trach.  141  ff.,  531  ff.,  663  ff.;  Oed.  Rex 
327,  648,  1047,  1339,  1413;  Antig.  160  ff.,  940  ff.,  988  ff.,  1 155; 
Soph.  Elect.  121  ff.,  824  ff.;  Philoc.  581,  825,  887,  983;  Orest. 
132  ff.;  Eurip.  Suppl.  11 14  ff.;  Phoeniss.  293  ff.;  Ion  1249  ff.; 
Hecuba  484  ff.;  Iph.  Taur.  1068  f.;  Cyc.  451  ff.;  Aves  431  ff. 

Here  may  be  mentioned  :  a.  The  scenes  in  which  it  is  proposed 
that  the  chorus  enter  the  <TKi)vi],  or  in  which  this  action  actually 
occurs.  Cf.  Agamem.  1343  ff.;  Aiax  329;  Andromache  817  f.; 
Hecuba  1042  f.;  Cyc.  590  ff.,  630  ff.;  Ion  219;  Hippol.  782  ff.; 
Med.  1275;  Hel.  331  ff. 

b.  The  'libation  scenes.*  Cf.  Pers.  597  ff.;  Choeph.  16  ff.,  100 
ff.;  Iph.  Taur.  159  ff.;  Pax  941  ff.,  970. 

c.  Where  the  chorus  stands  by  actors  as  a  guard.  Cf.  Aiax 
1 182;  Oed.  Col.  638,  724,  803,  811,  815,  835;  Heracl.  69  ff., 
274  ;  Eq.  246. 

5.  The  choreutae  actually  engage  in  strife  with  actors  or  with 
each  other  in  the  immediate  presence  of  actors.  Cf  Agamem. 
1650  ff.;  Oed.  Col.  857  ff.;  Philoc.  1003  ff.;  Hel.  1628  ff.;  Rhes. 
675  ff.;  Achar.  280  ff.,  564  ff.;  Eq.  247  ff.,  451 ;  Vesp.  453  ff.;  Av. 

364  ff. 

Blows  are  threatened  in  Cyc.  210  ff.;  Here.  Fur.  254. 

The  choreutae  hand  objects  to  actors  in  Eq.  490  ff.,  919  ff. 

They  'pledge  right  hands'  with  mutes :  Heracl.  305  ff. 

They  stand  with  actors,  bidding  them  farewell :  Here.  Fur.  522  ff. 

They  approach  the  proskenion  in  company  with  actors  :  Here. 

Fur.  1 109  f ;  Philoc.  144  ff. 

6.  In  'search  scenes'  the  chorus  is  on  ground  usually  occupied 
by  actors,  with  no  suggestion  in  the  text  that  the  choreutae  are  in 


m 


H 


%t 


n 

an  unusual  position.     Cf  Eumen.  255  ff ;  Aiax  865  ff.;  Oed.  Col. 

116  ff.;  Thes.  655ff. 

7.  Chorus  and  actors  enter  together,  or  by  the  same  entrance, 
or  to  the  same  portion  of  the  scene.  Cf  Aesch.  Suppl.  i ;  Prom. 
127;  Choeph.  20;  Oed.  Col.  116;  Philoc.  i;  Soph.  Elect.  120; 
Ion*i84;  Eur.  Elect.  167;  Bac.  i  ;  Troad.  153  ff.;  Plut.  252. 

8.  It  may  almost  be  said  to  be  customaty  for  actors  and  chorus 
to  leave  the  theatre  together  by  the  parodos  at  the  end  of  the 
play.  Cf  Aesch.  Supp.  980  ff.;  Pers.  1000  ff.;  Sept.  1068  ff. 
Eum.  1003  ff;  Aiax  1403  ff.;  Philoc.  1469  ff;  Trach.  1264  ff 
Troad.  1266  ff;  Eur.  Suppl.  1232  ff;  Cyc.  702  ff;  Ion  1619  ff 
Pax  1333  ff.;  Vesp.  1516  ff.;  Achar.  1231  ff.;  Eccl.  1165  ff.;  Av 
1763  ff;  Lys.  1289  ff;  Ran.  1524  ff;  Plut.  1208  ff  Such  a  pro- 
cession also  occurs  in  Ale.  741,  861. 

9.  The  'stage'  could  not  contain  the  actors,  mutes  and  decora- 
tions in  Aesch.  Suppl.  218  ff,  463  ff"  755.  885;  Septem  i  ff,  95 
ff.,  861  ff.;  Eum.  480  ff.;  Oed.  Rex  i  ff.;  Phoeniss.  1484  ff.;  Eur. 
Suppl.  I  ff,  815  ff;  Cyc.  i  ff;  Hipp.  57  ff;  Ip^-  Aul.  1338  ff; 
Achar.  42  ff;  Lysis.  456  ff ;  Thes.  295  ff ;  Eccl.  57  ff  Even  if  a 
'stage'  had  existed,  actors  and  mutes  were  in  the  orchestra  m 
Eum.  I  ff;  Pax  462  ff.,  906;  Av.  i  ff;  Ran.  297;  Achar.  1224  ff. 

10.  Certain  plays  could  not  have  been 'set'  on  the  so-called 

stage  because —  ^ 

a.  A  hillside  was  represented  in  Prom.,  Philoc,  Eur.  Elect. 

(489  ff.),  Cyc,  Lysist.,  Aves.  ^ 

b.  The  altar,  grove  or  shrine  present  required  spaclrapart  from 
the  building  in  the  background,  only  to  be  found  in  the  orchestra 
in  Choeph.,  Oed.  Col.,  Heracl.,  Andr.,  Hel.,  Eur.  Suppl. 

c.  The  burning  pyre  (Eurip.  Suppl.  1012  ff.)  and  the  burning 
house  (Nub.  1445  ff.)  could  not  have  been  located  on  a  stage. 

d.  Scenes  with  chariots  and  animals  were  possible  only  in  the 
orchestra.  Cf  Aesch.  Suppl.  180  ff  (?);  Pers.  149  (607),  looi ; 
Agam.  782  ff;  Oed.  Col.  312;  Troad.  569  ff;  Eur.  Elect.  987  ff-; 
Iph.  Aul.  607  ff.;  Vesp.  170  ff.;  Ran.  23  ff. 


f 


■'^^fl 


t' 


n 


.•;:tr. 

,.l,«||U-!«. 


S^ 


^KiNk^^^H 

\ 

\ 

\ 

■ 

► 

M 

■■;'.■ 

^ 


-^.         V 


/ 


jf 


p. 


^ 


